A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS by NICOLE LEE KRUGER Bachelor of Arts, Trinity Western University, 2017 Thesis submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of MASTER OF COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES TRINITY WESTERN UNIVERSITY February 2021 ©Nicole Lee Kruger, 2021 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS ii The following committee members attest to the successful completion of this thesis. Marvin McDonald, Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor Patricia Victor, University Siya:m Second Reader Janelle Kwee, Psy.D. Third Reader A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS iii ABSTRACT The current research project investigates a previously undiscovered part of the underlying process of how non-Indigenous Counselling Psychology graduate students make sense of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada. This Grounded Theory study sheds light on how the participant's core processes stabilize and destabilize social constructs and thinking. The current study reflects the developing themes for emerging adults in Canada's system. The present work argues that reconciliation on a societal level begins with questioning and creating new narratives individually. However, reconciliation also focuses on a system approach to truth and how this relates to settler/White denial issues. Six processes reveal the factors that facilitate and hinder the potential for societal reconciliation in the Canadian context. Key-words: indigenous peoples, reconciliation, emerging adults, meaningful participation A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT................................................................................................................................... iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................... iv LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................................... viii LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................................... ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................ x CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 1 Key Terms ............................................................................................................................. 4 Reconciliation ............................................................................................. 4 Non-Indigenous Peoples ............................................................................. 4 Emerging Adults ......................................................................................... 4 Places of Discourse................................................................................................................ 5 Canada......................................................................................................... 5 Colonization ................................................................................................ 5 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................................ 8 The System of Canada ........................................................................................................... 9 The Function of the Colonialism in the System........................................ 13 Additional Functions of the System. ............................................. 16 White Fragility. ................................................................. 16 Racial Trauma. .................................................................. 16 White Privilege. ................................................................ 17 Epistemic Privilege. .......................................................... 17 Societal Reconciliation ........................................................................................................ 18 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS v Functions of the Social Locations ....................................................................................... 26 Perfect Stranger ......................................................................................... 26 Two-Eyed Seeing ...................................................................................... 26 Education .................................................................................................. 27 Ethnic Identity Formation ......................................................................... 27 The Rationale for this Study ................................................................................................ 28 Researcher Position in this Study ............................................................. 28 Purpose of This Study ............................................................................... 29 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................ 31 Paradigm Considerations ..................................................................................................... 31 Research Design .................................................................................................................. 34 Grounded Theory and Hermeneutic Query............................................... 35 Interpersonal Recall Process ..................................................................... 38 The Constant Comparative Method .......................................................... 39 The Rationale for the Research Design .................................................... 41 Participants .......................................................................................................................... 42 Data Analysis....................................................................................................................... 43 Coding ....................................................................................................... 44 The Rigor and Reflexivity ................................................................................................... 48 CHAPTER 4: RESULTS .............................................................................................................. 50 Inner Turmoil....................................................................................................................... 51 Places of Privilege .......................................................................................................... 59 Summary of the Social Locale .................................................................. 67 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS vi Core Locale ......................................................................................................................... 67 Doing the Right Thing .............................................................................. 71 Summary of the Core Locale .................................................................... 74 Convergent Locale............................................................................................................... 75 Summary of Participant B’s Research Experience ................................... 77 Summary of Participant C’s Experience ................................................... 77 Summary of Participant E’s Experience ................................................... 78 Summary of the Convergent Locale ......................................................... 78 Summary Results ................................................................................................................. 79 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION ......................................................................................................... 81 Highlights of the Results ..................................................................................................... 81 PSRD and Societal Reconciliation and Systemic Boundaries ............................................ 83 The Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) ....................................... 103 Strengths and Limitations of the DMIS............................................................................. 105 Strengths of the Current Study .......................................................................................... 106 Limitation of the Current Study ........................................................................................ 107 Significance of this Study and Directions for Future Research ........................................ 108 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 109 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 110 APPENDIX A Recruitment Poster ............................................................................................. 130 APPENDIX B Pre-screening interview questions ...................................................................... 131 APPENDIX C Interview Questions .......................................................................................... 132_ APPENDIX D Transcription Form ............................................................................................. 133 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS vii APPENDIX E Informed Consent ............................................................................................... 135 APPENDIX F Debrief Form ....................................................................................................... 139 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Table of Discourse ............................................................................................................ 6 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) ........................................... 23 Figure 2 Hermeneutic Loop ......................................................................................................... 37 Figure 3 Constant Comparative Method Diagram ....................................................................... 40 Figure 4 The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse ........................................................ 52 Figure 5 Social Locale ……………..……………...…………………………………………....89 Figure 6 Core Local …………………................................…………………………………….92 Figure 7 Convergent Locale ……………………………….……………………………………96 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I acknowledge that the current research project, my home, and work are located on the unceded territory of the Stó:lô First Nations. Special thanks to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), responsible for the federal research funding that promotes and supports postsecondary-based research and training in the humanities and social sciences and the current study. I acknowledge my sincere gratitude to my thesis supervisor Marvin McDonald, Ph.D. and committee members, Patricia Victor, Siya:m, and Janelle Kwee, Psy.D. Your patience and guidance were instrumental in the completion of this thesis. I am most grateful to the participants who volunteered for this study and who boldly and honestly shared their challenges with understanding privilege and reconciliation. Your commitment to sharing from your own lives provided the current project with precious substance, resulting in a project representing the strength and complexities of what it is to become human. I could not have accomplished this task without the ongoing support of many people, and I am thankful for the personal and professional support of Duncan Cronkhite. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Distortions have misled many innocent people because they are weaved around concrete facts and events which those who still have a conscience would never deny. Habits die hard and they leave their unmistakable mark, the invisible scars that are engraved in our bones and that flow in our blood, that do havoc to the principle actors beyond repair, that may confront their descendants wherever they turn, depriving them of the dignity, cleanliness and happiness that should have been theirs. Such scars portray people as they are and bring into the full glare of public scrutiny the embarrassing contradictions in which individuals live out their lives. Such contradictions are in turn the mirror which gives a faithful representation of those affected and proclaim, ‘whatever my ideals in life, this is what I am’. -Nelson Mandela, Conversations with Myself Although there are numerous definitions of reconciliation and approaches toward it, virtually all explanations highlight reconciliation's voluntary nature. At its core, the current research study is about reconciliation and building trust (Nagy, 2017). If reconciliation is voluntary and not forced, then voluntariness is the quintessence of reconciliation. However, even though outside parties might support reconciliation processes, the powers for change are primarily internal, and they cannot be coerced (Nagy, 2017). The current research study uses the lens of constructivism to theorize reconciliation conceptualized not as an endpoint but as an ever‐ developing process within interpersonal change stages. Each chapter of this document highlights factors that smooth and impede the road to progress required for a meaningful discussion A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 2 surrounding reconciliation. Hopefully, the results will clear the air and reflect how Canadians can become proactively involved in societal reconciliation advocacy. A constructivist account draws from insights about norm socialization, from socialpsychological interpretations of conflict resolution, and from experiential anecdotes to reveal an outline for the underlying reconciliation process for non-indigenous emerging adults in Canada. An account well-meaning of conceptual links between compliance and reconciliation includes the underlying processes of social, behavioural adjustment, and values internalization through our performance within reconciliation processes. In the current thesis, reconciliation is conceptualized not as an endpoint but as an ever‐deepening process within stages or degrees of social-relational change. The current research does not intend to discover the most effective way to reconcile. However, it acknowledges previously undiscovered and underlying societal reconciliatory processes. The everyday discourse around truth and reconciliation in Canada discusses multiple external and internal experiences, processes, and institutions (Nagy, 2013). This current thesis builds on the assumption that reconciliation will not occur until Canadians grasp or become familiar with the underlying reconciliation process for non-indigenous emerging adults. More importantly, the refusal or inability of domestic Whites and non-Aboriginals in Canada to acknowledge their connections to systemic privilege results in disguising or drawing attention away from this often embarrassing or unpleasant issue. Settler denial that conspires with the narrow approaches to truth and isolates acute structural privilege creates the something described as smoke and mirrors because it intends to make you believe that reconciliation is happening when it is not. This protectionist approach to truth facilitates understanding of reconciliation as the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 3 closure on the past. Even though in Canada, colonial privilege is not a memory but a part of ongoing, living relationships (Nagy, 2013). There appears to be the misassumption that a brief reconciliation period will allow for a return to business as usual, and the current thesis takes on the responsibility to correct this assumption (MacArthur, 2011). As a Canadian citizen, I say that we are responsible for our government’s past and present actions. If we do not accept responsibility, Canada will continue to produce similar destructive policies and practices in the future despite our vow of never again. Taking our responsibility will enable us to recognize how authoritarianism's mentality became a rationale and justification for securing Indigenous resources and lands, resulting in dogmatic education policies that counteract the treaty relationship. More importantly, the current research can explore how this mentality persists as an influencer in the current Indigenous-settler relations. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 4 Key Terms Reconciliation To correctly situate reconciliation is to position the term within a typology for a reconciliatory framework consisting of four political, societal, interpersonal, and personal elements (Liechty & Clegg, 2001). Details of reflection which apply to reconciliation within a specific group or between two closely related groups are relevant to this study. As above, the current research project emphasizes societal reconciliation by exploring one of its pre-requisites: a collective will to coexist (Kim, Kollontai, Hoyland, 2008). Non-Indigenous Peoples Statistics Canada reports that Non-Indigenous Peoples of Canada includes persons who did not report belonging to the "Aboriginal peoples of Canada" as defined as First Nations (Indian), Métis or Inuit Indigenous Peoples in the Constitution Act, 1982, Section 35 (2) (Statistics Canada, 2017, Statistics Canada, 2018). St. Denis (2015) describes settlers as people who have travelled to an area and established a permanent residence there, most times to colonize the area (St. Denis, 2015). For the current study, non-indigenous peoples are defined by self-nominated Canadians who consider themselves capable of building societies differently (St. Denis, 2015). This modern post-nationalist is developing a current Canadian system and a new model of belonging within this system (St. Denis, 2015). Emerging Adults Emerging adulthood is a developmental phase of the life span between adolescence and adulthood, encompassing late adolescence and early adulthood. Emerging adulthood is a new demographic, is contentiously changing, and some believe that "twenty-somethings often struggle with identity exploration, instability, self-focus, and feeling in-between" (Arnett, 2000, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 5 p. 469-470). Places of Discourse Canada In the current research project, Canada is referred to as an overarching institution or system. It is not uncommon for us to consider that Canada has two founding Nations, the French and the English. However, before the system of Canada, Indigenous Peoples were living and thriving here in complex societies. The original people still exist and live in and around Canada's system, from their traditional territories to urban centers. Indigenous Peoples have made, and continue to make, enormous contributions to the system of Canadian society politically, economically, and culturally. Recognizing Canada as a system resists common discourses that compartmentalize society's political, economic, and cultural features from one another and form local community and family systems. Colonization The current research project illustrates the past and present discourses about reconciliation and Canada that well-intentioned professionals and social leaders cite. However, it forces us to recognize how violent speech results in re-subscription to unequal colonial-settler relations and the racialization of Indigenous Peoples. Violent discourse creates the elusive image of a constant state of victimization. Indigenous Peoples remain subjects in need and the colonizers are left out from other versions of the story (Harris, 2004, Madden, 2019). That racism occurs is not in doubt but what is less evident is the production of regimes of truth (Foucault, 2017) within which racism is created and becomes effective; and how subjects are produced within racialized identifications (Foucault, 2017. Explained in another way, this means that oppressive subjects are not present naturally and pre-constructed but are socially and A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 6 culturally constructed— "inscribed by the meaning system that is language and discourses" (Edwards & Usher, 2016, p. 16). Harmful colonial discourses and dominant narratives reproduce in society, and critical race theory is used to underscore race and racism; however, post-structural tenets illustrate how "racism requires language to do its work" (Leonardo, 2013, p. 115). According to these principles, discourses are "bodies of knowledge that are taken as truth and through which we see the world" (Youdell, 2006, p. 35). Although there is potential for the acquisition of historical information about Indigenous perspectives in education and society, violent discourses are the symptom of the long-erased and marginalized Indigenous perspectives. Careful attention must be paid to the knowledge and subjectivities produced in the process (Tupper, 2014; Gebhard, 2017). Violent Discourse provides insight into recommendations for preparation and considerations regarding social coaching in societal reconciliation. Discourse takes place in many ways in this document. The citations and text reflect both Indigenous and Non-Indigenous voices. Violent speech is not as apparent to us. However, it is italicized and bolded throughout this document. Additional discourse is italicized to reflect the voice of the participants in the results section of this document. The discourse of the participant and the participants' representatives are bolded and italicized (see Table 1 below). Table 1 Table of Discourse Violent Discourse Our objective is to continue until there is no Indian in Canada that has not permeated the body politic, and there is no Indian problem (Thobani, 2007, p. 198) Participant Discourse "There is a part of me that I think, I've probably been complicit in that type of thing, it's like talking about, you know the importance and, you know, I've wept over, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 7 you know the injustices that have happened to Indigenous peoples" (Participant B) Indian/Aboriginal/Indigenous Peoples The use of the word Indian in Canada is diminishing owing to its incorrect origin and connections to colonizer policies and departments such as the 1Indian Act, the Indian Department (precursor to INAC), Indian Agent, Indian residential schools etc. The label, Aboriginal Peoples, turned popular as the correct collective noun for First Nations, Inuit and Métis and was broadly adopted by government and numerous national groups. This difference was made legal in 1982 when the Constitution Act came into being. Section 35 of the Act states: In this Act, aboriginal peoples of Canada include the Indian, Inuit and Métis peoples of Canada. By recognizing First Nations, Inuit, and Metis as Indigenous Peoples, the government has acknowledged their international legal right to offer or withhold development consent. Canada endorsed the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) with conditions under Prime Minister Stephen Harper (Joseph, 2016). Throughout this document, the legacy of oppression includes all three of these terms concerning colonial discourse. 1 This statement is highlighted in bold and italics because it is one of the many examples of violent discourse highlighted in the current study. This presentation of the discourse is different to APA. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 8 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW The objective of this chapter is to outline a conceptual framework for the current thesis. The intention is to position reconciliation as a social priority in Canada. The current thesis responds to the Truth and Reconciliation Committee of Canada (TRC) to participate in reconciliation as a process of decolonized destabilization (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, p.42). Tuck and Yang's assertions about decolonization highlight that reconciliation is not a metaphor. The actions and activities related to facilitating the Indigenous/settler relationship must be substantive. This ongoing inclusion of Indigenous peoples and their perspectives and knowledge of their historical and contemporary realities is part of decolonized destabilization (Tuck &Yang, 2012). This section of the chapter will make a case for settler-colonial states and the normative status of reconciliation. To remedy settler-colonial injustices, scholars have suggested different approaches (Wolfe, 2006). Claiming that reconciliation behaves as a façade for assimilation because indigenous communities are forcibly co-opted into the existing status quo (Wolfe, 2006). However, by embracing the conceptualization of a systemic structure, we can illustrate historical and systemic designs that demonstrate how reconciliation is not an inevitable outcome of this Canada's process, even if we want it to be. The description of Canada explained as a system [in the section of terms in this document] highlights the risks in drafting the foreign language of reconciliation and the implications for inadvertently re-centering the colonial discourse of (white) settler privilege as a social priority in the system. It would not be challenging to discover apology examples as a mere ritual, emphasizing the impracticalities in repairing intergroup relations because they often A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 9 require a material element. Examples can remind us that in reconciliation, symbolic gestures matter. However, instead of accepting the notion that political apologies are merely ineffective, this research acknowledges the role colonial discourses play in the reconciliation process and settler-colonial states. Throughout the current document, demonstrations of violent colonial discursive and symbolic contributions will serve as concrete experiential markers for reconciliation's underlying process. Canadians must ask whether interventions like the residential school settlement agreement and the TRC's calls to action prove helpful and practical responses to the massive structural and interactional injustice in this system. How we avoid the wrong kinds of players from a world where injustice and cooption continue is paramount to reconciliation. The System of Canada The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) (2015) has offered evidence and details of Indigenous Peoples' cultural and physical genocide by the Canadian State. With origins that reach back before Confederation, the 141-year-old colonial legislation called The Indian Act has a horrible and outrageously stubborn place in Canada's law books. The Act has bordered the relationship between the Crown and First Nations peoples in authoritarian, settler terms, ignoring the treaties' commitments and spirit, Indigenous governance structures, and the fundamental right to self-determination. Our objective is to continue until there is no Indian in Canada that has not permeated the body politic until there is no Indian problem 2(Thobani, 2007, p. 198). The 1983 report on Indian Self-Government in Canada refers to a mechanism of 2 This statement is highlighted in bold and italics because it is one of the many examples of violent discourse highlighted in the current study. This presentation of the discourse is different to APA. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 10 social control and assimilation (Weaver, 1990). For First Nations peoples, the oppression progresses beyond dominant discourses and exists in settler society's material structures (Lowman & Barker, 2016). One example of these material structures is psychology, a construct developed in the same political climate and colonial context which gave rise to the residential school system, resulting in cultural genocide. A report from a task force of the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA) and the Psychology Foundation of Canada (PFAC) concluded that the profession of psychology, in its interaction with Indigenous Peoples in Canada, has contravened its code of ethics (CPA, 2018). The CPA and PFAC recognized that throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the Government of Canada has developed and imposed policy and legislation that has contributed to the marginalization and oppression of Indigenous Peoples in Canada through execution of the Indian Act, involuntary replacements of communities, and the continuing control and subjugation of Indigenous Peoples and relations (CPA, 2018). One of the many recommendations from the task force is re-evaluating psychological assessments that attempt to follow models for quantitative, formally generalizable measures as scientific and professional standards (a psychometric approach) rigorously. The invitation to cultivate psychometrics alternatives is a helping pathway of culture-astreatment tactic that includes intensive exploratory and informative efforts to return to one's cultural roots (Gone & Calf Looking, 2011). While St. Denis (2007) concedes Aboriginal peoples are not and have never been an identical population, Aboriginal peoples do contribute to "a common experience with colonization and racialization" (St. Denis, 2007, p. 1087). The concept of racialization "brings attention to how race has been used and is continually used to justify inequality and oppression of Aboriginal peoples" (St. Denis, 2007, p. 1071). A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 11 Furthermore, suppose accurate and helpful inferences for Indigenous clients are the objective. The current psychology approaches are not likely to be successful because the psychological assessment does not combine practices such as individualized assessment and two-eyed seeing. Two-eyed seeing combines cultural context, emphasizing qualitative description over quantitative abstraction experience on Western theoretical constructs (Wendt, Gone, & Nagata, 2015). Mohawk writer and activist, Russel Diablo (2017, asserts, "The Indian Act remains the foundation of Canadian colonization of Indigenous peoples. Although it has been amended numerous times, the Indian Act still maintains the main tenets of protection, control, and civilization (meaning assimilation)" (Diablo, 2017, p. 23). Wolf agrees when they say, “The Indian Act is embedded in socially constructed racial regimes” (Wolfe, 2006, p. 387). These regimes are deeply ingrained in First Nations and non-First Nations peoples' unconsciousness in Canada's system. The Indian Act emerged as a reason for unreconciled relations between Indigenous peoples and the system's government. The design sought and partially achieved cultural genocide against Canada's Indigenous Peoples (Tasker, 2015). Despite these events' historical gravity, they did not make their way into school rooms and the curriculum until recent years with programs like Project of Heart (n. d). Conventional social discourse asserts that the 634 distinct Indigenous nations are one like a group with a similar mind. However, Indigenous Peoples have distinctive outlooks, needs and inclinations. When the deeply ingrained unconscious illusion of uniformity among Indigenous Peoples shatters, the result is that non-Indigenous people in Canada become strangely confused and Indigenous People become situated as strangers in their land. David Bloomfield, an editor of the United Nations' 2003 handbook, Reconciliation after Violent Conflict, refers to reconciliation, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 12 as a post conflict situation, where war has halted, an agreement is reached, and a new system is struggling to construct a different society out of the remainders of the old (Srna, 2005).The handbook's definition of reconciliation is how society changes from a divided past to a shared future. However, much of the initial work should be done while the war is still rampant (Bloomfield, 2003). It appears as if Canadians are blinded in our response to the calls for action from the TRC. There have been ten responses to the 94 calls for action (Jewel, Mosby, Yellowhead Institute, 2019). With only ten answers, this indicates the glacial progress on the Calls to Action and reconciliation in general, and it is becoming increasingly clear that transformative change is required. One cannot help but wonder that while a governing system with racial deficits feeds the insatiable beast of imperialism, the people in this system cannot see the fire for the smoke. The view blinds us from seeing the most significant barriers to success in reconciliation as evidenced by the low priority placed on meaningful structural changes and the lack of action, which has been accompanied by a general unwillingness from many of the people in this system, to admit that bad outcomes for Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples are the artifact of discriminatory structures and the actions of institutions (Jewel, Mosby, Yellowhead Institute, 2019). An example of the ongoing colonial practice is when Canada was ordered by the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT) to end policies that racially discriminate against Indigenous children in January 2016. However, Canada's lawyers continued to argue that their policies were not discriminatory. "It is not the presence or lack of culture that has failed [Aboriginal] students so much as the structural and systemic racism in which student histories, economics and social lives are ignored and vilified" (Schick, 2009, p. 53). The adage where there is smoke, there is fire, is fitting and cannot be ignored. It is not difficult to discern A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 13 that an individual's response to reconciliation is a microcosm of the federal government's way of thinking about the Indigenous other, i.e., hard work highlighting symbols of action; however, the action of substance is avoided. The Function of the Colonialism in the System Most Canadians have been touched by the recent report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its admonition that for reconciliation to begin, "there has to be an awareness of the past, acknowledgement of the harm that inflicted, atonement for the causes, and action to change behaviour" (Burrill, 2019). Burrill describes Métis scholar Chelsea Vowel's interpretation of settler colonialism as the "deliberate physical occupation of land as a method of asserting ownership over land and resource" – a mode of domination (Burrill, 2019, p.175). The dominance that Burrill references is a self-nominated method of thinking that exposes a legacy of the ideological underpinning of what it means to be trapped in the way of thinking and being as the Canadian identity. Mackey suggests that when the feelings about settler colonization are taken seriously, they help to foster access toward considerate essential characteristics of what Rifkin (2011) calls settler structures of feeling. These feelings connect with broader settler social structures and laws that permeate Indigenous and non-Indigenous perspectives (Mackey, 2014). These structures of feelings can be compared to cognitive prisons. Thinking structures which resemble a prison can keep us trapped in ways of thinking and unthinking. These entitlements and expectations lead us into "Eurocentric thought that has dreamed imaginary societies that generate our cognitive prisons" (Mackey, 2014, p. 250). The trap of self-evident assumptions of settler colonialism thought and law form cognitive structures that limit our capacity to see the implications of settler law and the impact settlers have on Indigenous Peoples. More importantly, can settler law be decolonized through a reconciliation method, and how can A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 14 the future settler generations be freed from the stronghold of the apathetic settler cognitive prison? (Mackey, 2014). The challenge of leading people out of the guise of apathy within Canada's system's diversity is that it would force the leadership today to consider 'The Great Canadian Identity Trap' (Brym, 1989). This cognitive prison inhibits the choice of theoretically appropriate comparison and the formulation of broad generalizations about variations in the way class and power interact across the nation and over time (Brym, 1989). According to Adams, there will be no real identity crisis because the old essentialist Canadian identity is being painlessly replaced by fresh pliancy and collective personality and, today, those in the system embrace intercultural alternatives and cross previously fixed boundaries or "a panopticon of fixed, independent and incommensurable worldviews" (Adams, 2000, p. 131). However, we would be careless not to consider the excessive number of empowered Canadians who respond with self-protective concern to what we consider threatening to our political, social, and economic influence. This group's effective presence undercuts the unproblematized neatness of Adams's view on the Canadian identity (Frideres, 2008). This way of thinking makes it difficult for Canadians to recognize that longstanding institutionalized frameworks and material relations of the settlement have created specific ‘modes of feeling’ among non-Native people in settler colonies (Edmonds, 2016). The way people think about reconciliation results from the colonial legacy and the systemic development as part of the ‘source code’ or function of the self-organizing Canadian system that emerged in recent history. It is important to note that systems tend to reinforce and sustain themselves and their dominant patterns. Therefore, it can be challenging to try to manipulate and change the system's direction. Mackey (2014) argues that processes and institutionalized frameworks of settlement endorse control by non-Natives over Native peoples and lands, which give rise to A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 15 specific modes of feeling, and, reciprocally, productive formations among non-Natives, normalize settler presence, privilege, and power. The understanding settlement as a structure of feeling and thinking involves an enquiry about how emotions, sensations, and psychic life take part in the (ongoing) process of exerting non-Native authority over Indigenous politics, governance, and territoriality (Mackey, 2014). Questions arise surrounding the feelings and thoughts related to a person's connection to a place and the legacy of who we think we are as Canadians? Perhaps it would be helpful to query Canada's future and what the potential looks like without neo-colonialism. Launching a dialogue is the key to unlocking the gate to the settler's cognitive prion. Brundage reminds us that most Canadians have only seen Natives through the eyes of non-Native writers, and although these portraits have been sympathetic, the limited variation of characters, themes, structures, and images are not a true reflection of Indigenous Peoples (Brundage, 2016). The historical fictions by settlers that partially recognized real indigenous people often convey a distorted patriotic notion that Canadian natives added a colourful layer in determining national progress to a great new dominion (Brundage, 2016). However, Brundage's vision that Canadians do not truly see indigenous people exposes historiography in which notable exceptions remain primarily silent regarding the structural influence of settler colonialism and neocolonialism. The structure that encompasses the cognitive prison does not limit itself to Indigenous People alone. The optical prism of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 2017) reveal the overlapping vulnerabilities created in a system that generates unique and specific kinds of challenges. The problems that create challenges for groups in a system exist because they can only organize, perceive, and treat some of those challenges individually. Crenshaw's understanding of intersectionality is not concerned with identity and representation; however, it is interested in the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 16 deep structural and systemic questions about discrimination and inequality (Crenshaw, 2017). A concrete example of a system problem would be one when racial justice movement does not have a criticism of patriarchy and homophobia, the way that racism is experienced and exacerbated by heterosexism and classism falls outside of the political organizing, and this results in significant numbers of people in our communities who do not receive the benefit of social justice frames. Additional Functions of the System. Settler colonial incursion is a structure, not an isolated incident. It is the concrete systematic ongoing abolition of Indigenous populations and the contention of state sovereignty and juridic control over their properties (Veracini, 2010). Despite post-coloniality notions, settler-colonial societies do not stop being colonial when political allegiance to the founding metropole is severed. Some of the functions of the colonization system structure, listed below, highlight settler colonization trends in the form of supreme and unchallenged settler states of being and the impacts of this behaviour on others (Edmonds, 2016). White Fragility. Another way of articulating the structural influencers of mental prisons in Canada's system is a status in which a bare minimum amount of racial stress becomes unbearable for white people, triggering a range of defensive moves. These movements include the external display of emotions like fear and guilt and behaviours like argumentative, silence, and leaving a stress-inducing situation like reconciliation. The actions function to reinstate white racial equilibrium (Di Angelo, 2018). Racial Trauma. Racial trauma is a state of mind that describes the traumatic impact and emotional pain of a person's experience with prejudice. Frequent traumatic stress responses that signify racial trauma include increased suspicion, heightened sensitivity to threat, the sense of a A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 17 shortened future, and maladaptive responses to trauma such as hostility (Harrell, 2000). White Privilege. Recognizing that colonialism is the social dynamic for all persons, one of the social advantages for white persons is our privilege. Some authors describe it as the expressions of from unearned advantages and a sense of entitlement that results in both societal and material dominance by whites over people of colour (Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001). Three characteristics of racial privilege outlined by Wildman and Davis (1995) begin with the awareness of how the privileged group's qualities define the societal norm, mostly benefiting those in the privileged group alone. Secondly, privileged group members know how to rely on their privilege and avoid raising objections to oppression. Thirdly, privilege is hardly ever seen by the privilege holder (Wildman and Davis, 1995). Failure to acknowledge that white privilege is a direct benefit of social inequalities and subjugation of others is a consequence of white privilege. It is an influence that hinders intercultural sensitivity and ethnocentrism. White people cannot choose to let go of white privilege and typecasts and biases. When white persons become aware of their baseless privileges and the injustices of this system, it is not unusual for them to feel trapped and guilty for the advantages granted to themselves and not to others (MacDonald, 2007). The result is frustration about the inability to change the system of privilege and discrimination (MacDonald, 2007). Society grants white licenses incessantly, and one of the challenges for white persons in seeking colonization is to recognize and resist these privileges (MacDonald, 2007). Epistemic Privilege. Kotzee (2010) defines epistemic privilege as when "oppressed people themselves understand their own oppression better than their oppressors do, making it the case that the oppressed have a systematically clearer view on political reality than their oppressors" (Kotze, 2010, p.p. 274). Anderson (2009) recognizes that epistemic privilege is "an A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 18 achieved, not a given, perspective, requiring critical reflection on the power structures of society and the relations of one's group to it". Wherever subjective knowledge takes on the pretense of power and tilts the scales favourably for whoever can assume that position of knowing, defense against resistance becomes necessary to safeguard that advantage. On one side of the scales are those who view the misappropriation of privilege as an act of disempowerment when we are required to check our privilege. However, there are those seeking to exercise their epistemic privilege but cannot do so because it is deemed unacceptable (Chimbganda, 2015). Within privileged places, the opposing effects are not suppressed; instead, this tension is drawn into the open so that we can learn by working through the insecurities, uncertainties, and radical selfcriticisms of a colonial structure. Societal Reconciliation Bringing an end to the pathology that encompasses prejudice involves a struggle. Interpersonally, participating in this struggle can arouse anxiety, anger, guilt, and even violence between people of diverse racial groups (Neville & Carter, 2005). Intra-personally, the battle to overcome discrimination and auto colonization requires a person to examine that aspect of their identity related to their socialization as a racial being and bravely confront how they have acceded to be the menace of oppression (Thompson & Neville, 1999). Societal reconciliation ascends as the highest desire of human needs for individuality, belonging and community; it is expressed in all-inclusive patterns of relating. These patterns include responses without physical, verbal, or emotional violence, releasing prejudiced or bigoted attitudes and beliefs, mitigating the divisive effects of core beliefs that cannot be surrendered (Kim, Kollontai, & Hoyland, 2008). Recognizing differences and seeking or creating common ground and dialoguing in the expectation of changing and being changed by others are fundamental requirements of societal A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 19 reconciliation. Acknowledging that when seeking a shared identity after conflict for the sake of reconciliation, it is essential to remember that no formula or strategy for reconciliation will be appropriate in every instance. As Senator Murray Sinclair, Chair of the TRC, told the Standing Senate Committee on Aboriginal Peoples: I will tell you what gets me through it now and got me through it then, and that is the belief that you do not have to believe that reconciliation will happen; you have to believe that reconciliation must happen … and you have to do what you can to make it happen (Sinclair, 2016). The relationship between truth and reconciliation is relatively straightforward because it is difficult to reconcile without acknowledging what happened. Naturally, the reality of reconciliation is complex, and the truth can be contentious. The proponents of truth, the truth commissions argue, that debate about the past may be a healthy sign of democratization and mutual civic recognition (Gutmann and Thompson, 2000). However, acknowledging that truth is key to entering the door of reconciliation, we cannot exclude factors like justice, institutional reform and reparation and healing, all of which interlock in complicated, conflicting, and context-specific ways (Bloomfield 2003; Gloppen, 2005). The impact of colonization has a historical impact on both White Settler identity and Aboriginal cultural identity; however, the truth needs to be understood from a historical perspective. The Indigenous populations of the Americas were annihilated by infectious disease, active suppression of culture, and warfare (Gautam, 2009). There are places burdened with cultural and spiritual alienation, inequity, racism, dislocation, and marginalization in this system (Razack, 2002). Hayner (2011), reporting in the post-conflict context, advises us that reconciliation involves various psychosocial stages: replacing fear with peaceful coexistence, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 20 building trust relationships, and developing empathy and shared interests. However, trust and empathy, peaceful coexistence “do not progress sustainably if the political, legal, and economic domains remain structures of injustice” (Hayner, 2011, p. 190). Numerous scholars have cautioned us of the limitations of empathy (Ahmed 2008). The risks include misappropriating survivors' pain in salacious and colonizing ways while ignoring beneficiaries' and "responsibility to address the inequities and injustices from which they have profited" (Regan, 2011, p. 47). Reconciliation is a multifaceted process that evolves between individuals, within communities or between conflicting groups in intimate ways. There is a compulsion to examine only the disputed issues as the issue that must be tackled in reconciliation. However, social-cultural patterns demand our attention because it is the social-cultural patterns that form the context in which the process of reconciliation is to be worked out (Kim, Kollontai & Hoylard, 2008). Most individuals perceive their own culture as the only "real" one, and other cultures are supplementary and hardly acknowledged and frequently referred to in an undifferentiated, simplistic manner (Hammer, Bennett, Wiseman, 2003). People in this situation are generally blasé about cultural differences, but their seemingly benign acceptance may change to aggressive attempts to avoid or eliminate it when confronted with differences. In Canada's system, we play an idealized subject, one who believes above all in the hallmark traits of niceness, good choices, and hard work. This subject is not racist, and they are surprised at the mere suggestion that lives are structured by race; instead of acknowledging racism, this subject shows empathy for those who are positioned as the other. This process of engaging in something like reconciliation requires mature cognitive orientations that include mutual trust, positive attitudes toward the other parties, and an individual's ability to cultivate reflective engagement capacities in mutually responsive intercultural dialogue (Bennett, 2004). A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 21 However, there is an understanding that positions the Indigenous person as the perfect stranger and generates a hands-off relationship with Indigenous Peoples, where Indigenous content is used as an afterthought or additive approach (Dion, 2013). This understanding perpetuates a dominant view of Indigenous Peoples and disables the ability to engage and acknowledge Indigenous worldviews in transformational learning respectfully. It is historic omissions that non-Indigenous subjects should not understand how they hold themselves in relations and interactions with Indigenous Peoples, knowledge systems, and perceptions (Goulet & Goulet, 2014). Cowlishaw (2003) suggests that it is unreasonable to suggest that the national goodwill is itself a source of Aboriginal peoples' problems. The topic of reconciliation between non-Indigenous and Indigenous populations in Canada impacts the related fears, hopes, and goals of individuals and communities involved in terms of affectivity and interdependence (Nagy, 2017) In the process of reconciliation, “claims to sympathy and recognition can cause misrecognition and autocratic solutions” (Kumashiro, 2000, p. 109). Since empathy can work to reinforce "the binary of 'us' and 'them'" empathy development must not be favoured as the end goal for non-Aboriginal peoples in reconciliation (Kumashiro, 2000, p. 35). Kumashiro (2000) reminds us of the limits of empathy in anti-oppressive education; while the heart is necessary, it rarely leads to a disruption of privileged identities. When there is one dominant discourse in the social-cultural patterns in reconciliation, it challenges us to contemplate that there might be coordinates of forgiveness and reconciliation within the culture; however, they may be inaccessible (Kim, Kollontai, & Hoyland, 2008). The TRC suggests that reconciliation depends on an awareness of the past, acknowledgement of the harm inflicted, atonement for the causes, and action to change A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 22 behaviour (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015). The current thesis recognizes that reconciliation must occur at the individual, community, institution, and societal level (Nagy, 2017). However, most emergent adult Canadians do not know what reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people means to them personally. Common to all reconciliation processes is the pattern of psychological development within the relevant group norms, values, and beliefs, defining both who we are and how we relate to each other (Nagy, 2017). Reconciliation affects the related fears, hopes, and goals of people and communities involved in affectivity and interdependence (Nagy, 2017). Just like the stages of The Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) (see Figure 1), the framework explains how people experience and engage cultural differences. The objective is to move from the ethnocentric stages of denial, and resistance, to the ethnorelative stages of tolerance, adaption, and assimilation (Bennett, 2013). Bennett describes ethnocentrism as an attitude that presumes the superiority of one's worldview, sometimes without even acknowledging others' existence (Bennett, 2013). Ethnocentrism is a simple way to conceive attitudes toward differences: those in the denial stage deny the existence of cultural differences, others in the defence stage demonize them, and those in the minimization stage trivialize differences. Cultural insensitivity and ethnocentrism can describe the perceived threats that emerging adults may experience in the underlying process of voluntariness in the face of reconciliation (Greenholz, 2005). This stage may result from physical or social segregation, where the person's views are not challenged, and their worldviews remain at the center of their perceptions of reality (Bennett, 2004). Undoubtedly, cultural insensitivity and ethnocentrism are the most challenging societal reconciliation elements because they require a conceptual shift from thinking of 'them and us' to 'us and us' and an emotional change to deal with effectively harsh realities (Kim, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 23 Kollontai, & Hoyland, 2008). For example, Clegg (2008) describes the concept of reconciliation in Northern Ireland as a double-edged sword condemned from two angles. Figure 1 Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) Note: From “Topics for music education practice,” by Mellizio, 2017 The first angle is the politically focused critic who perceives reconciliation as a weakminded, establishmentarian alternative to the fundamental task of justice and structural change. Secondly, the conservative religious critic condemns reconciliation as a question of crying peace where there is no peace to be found (Liechty, & Clegg, 2001, p. 213). Kumashiro (2000) claims that we need to overcome our resistance to change and learn for change in society because disrupting what we think we know is imperative for an anti-oppressive society shift (Kumashiro, 2000). Disruptive discourses about reconciliation include white privilege and racism as the continuing sound systems of colonial projects. How does this knowledge position Indigenous peoples and settlers? The suggestion that amplifying the voice of the Indigenous other and teaching about the Indigenous Other should be done not to fill a gap in knowledge because this would denote that ignorance about the other is the only problem. It is necessary to unsettle the knowledge already there because the injurious pieces of knowledge that A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 24 an individual already has are what needs to change (Gebhard, 2017). Most of the influential theorists of subjectivity focus explicitly on colonialism and post colonialism and their effects on the lives, identities, and subjectivities of the colonized (Hook, 2006). Metaphors of colonization have sometimes been invoked to illuminate the more general process of subject formation. However, one should not equate all human beings' existential situations with those living under colonial or blatantly oppressive regimes. Moreover, colonization typically implies the suppression of a preexisting sociocultural system, whereas the process of subject formation can also refer to how sociocultural contexts shape inchoate human existence in a significant way (Hook, 2006). The stages of change in reconciliation may also include a period of consciousness from which a person tolerates themselves and others more and their differences and unique complexities of role identities in specific circumstances, like reconciliation (Bennett, 2004). Murray Sinclair (2016) emphasizes that colonization has taught non-Indigenous peoples to view Indigenous peoples as inferior, and truth must be admitted beginning the disruption of harmful pieces of knowledge that nonIndigenous peoples believe to be right about Indigenous peoples (Sinclair, 2016). Changing oppression requires disrupting knowledge, not merely more knowledge. Gebhard (2017) challenges us to ask ourselves some challenging questions like, what might we learn from this story about ongoing racism and colonialism? How can we use this story to learn more about these systems? What are the harmful stereotypes reinforced by this knowledge and which ones do they challenge? Who is missing from this story, and how do erasures maintain white privilege? How can this story be recited in a way that centres on the colonizer? Can it be retold in a way that rejects (re)pathologizing Indigenous peoples? (Gebhard, 2017). The current research is not about developing strategies that we could take into the existing systems; as A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 25 contended by Sinclair (2016), there are no quick and easy answers to reconciliation. However, it does present starting points for the system to begin the approach toward reconciliation. The processes of reconciliation require mature cognitive orientations that include mutual trust, positive attitudes toward the other parties, and an individual’s ability to cultivate reflective capacities of engagement in mutually active intercultural dialogue (Habermas & Bluck, 2000; Habermas & de Silveira, 2008). This state of development in an individua's ego replaces external morality with a heightened sense of individuality while realizing an inner conflict between independence and dependence on emotions (Cohn & Westenberg, 2004). The ability to reflect upon the more significant implications of a particular event, such as reconciliation, and explicitly draw meaning from that event might be a developing skill in adolescents and emerging adults as they are shaping coherent life stories and worldviews (Arnett, 2006; Bar-Tal & Bennink, 2004). Most important is the capacity for the emerging adult to recognize another worldview as a help and not a hindrance to their own way of perceiving the world, Arnett (2006) has classified the emerging adult time-period as a transitional stage; however, Bigham (2012) reminds us that emerging adulthood from age 18-29 is a period "longer than infancy, longer than early or middle childhood, and as long as adolescence" (Arnett, 2006 p. 70). More importantly, emerging adulthood is not only a new theory but an entirely "new and historically unprecedented period of the life course" (Arnett et al. 2011, p. 4). As in the case of placing Indigenous Peoples into categories, we are cautious when framing research subjects within these features. It is crucial to recognize that emerging adulthood may not apply to everyone age 18-29. An individual may be chronologically 22 years old. However, if their identity does not adhere to most of the emerging adult features, namely, identity exploration, instability, self-focus, feeling in-between, and feeling that anything is possible (Arnett, 2006); then we may discern whether they are an A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 26 emerging adult or merely a particularly young young adult (Hendry & Kloep, 2007). Recognizing that reconciliation begins with the altering of violent discourses, Kumashiro's (2000) perspective is that those who engage with reconciliation have the imperative to repeat with a difference, an ongoing effort to stop the duplication of harmful pieces of knowledge and to construct disruptive and diverse knowledges (Kumashiro, 2020). Functions of the Social Locations Social locations reflect the numerous junctures of experience concerning race and social class, and many other factors. Social location contributes toward an understanding of significant institutions and how they work. The effect of colonization is that someone's social location in the dominant society may differ from that of an Aboriginal person. Perfect Stranger The Perfect Stranger is a term defined by Dr. Susan Dion (2013). It is related to how teachers and how they construct knowledge of Indigenous People. In the current study, the perfect stranger relates not only to educators but also to Canada's system because the perfect stranger is a person who is off the hook when it comes to thinking about Aboriginal Issues, thinking about Aboriginal people, or the relationship between themselves and Aboriginal People. The perfect stranger desires to distance themselves from the issues of reconciliation and to think, this is nothing to do with me. While reading the current thesis, one may have the overwhelming urge to become or remain a perfect strange. An example of the perfect stranger is when a nonindigenous person remarks that reconciliation has nothing to do with me, and the government will take care of it, right?" Two-Eyed Seeing Etuaptmumk is a Mi'kmaq word meaning Two-Eyed Seeing and with one eye, viewing A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 27 the world across Indigenous ways of knowing and with the other eye, viewing the world via Western, or Eurocentric, ways of knowing. A leading principle for an intercultural alliance, TwoEyed seeing offers the gift of numerous perspectives. It encourages the realization that beneficial outcomes are likely to occur when we are willing to bring two or more perspectives into play, writes Mi'kmaq Elder Albert Marshall (Marshall & Bartlett, 2015), who developed the concept. Education The fear of re-offending, the fear of introducing controversial subject material, and the fear of introducing content that challenges students' understanding of Canadian history's dominant stories all support the claim for a perfect stranger's position. Compelling stories that position Aboriginal people as, for example, mythical and victimized. Other interpretation enables non-Aboriginal people to position themselves as respectful admirers, moral helpers, and law and order protectors (Dion, 2013). Indigenization can become foolish if educators and instructors are ignorant of how values and beliefs can perpetuate the perfect stranger and alter meaningful engagement with Indigenous knowledge systems and perspectives in content and practice. Ethnic Identity Formation Goodwill and McCormick (2012) describe ethnic identity formation in comparison to the process of ego identity that takes place over time, and they remind us that Maracle's model (discussed below) speaks to the reality of the historical and social forces that portray denigrating and inappropriate depictions of Aboriginal people (Goodwill, McCormick, 2012). Sylvia Maracle, the Mohawk scholar details the Aboriginal identity formation process as consisting of four interconnected parts: (a) resisting negative definitions of being, (b) reclaiming Aboriginal tradition, (c) constructing a positive identity by translating tradition into the contemporary A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 28 context, and (d) acting on identity in ways that nourish the complete well-being of our people (Goodwill, McCormick, 2012). Additionally, perceived discrimination is a primary risk to Indigenous youths' resilience and is the Act of regaining personal sovereignty, or “Giibinenimidizomin” (Goodwill, McCormick, 2012). “Giibinenimidizomin” is the Anishinaabe (Ojibway language) word that defines individual sovereignty or owning ourselves. The current study highlights the importance of ignoring comfort levels and insisting on a new way of seeing (MacArthur, 2011). As Shirley Bear reminds us, "This concept is neither prejudiced nor utopic, and any change will not come without intense forms of work from cultural workers, policymakers, and citizens of all walks. But, perhaps, using the various lenses at our disposal, this is how we may cultivate a new future" (Little Bear, 2000) The Rationale for this Study Researcher Position in this Study My experience as an emerging adult settler in South Africa during the collapse of apartheid is best described as the perfect stranger (Dion, 2013): that is, as a young adult defined by a lack of knowledge of my white privilege. I wanted to help the Native other. However, as a young woman, I remained morally disengaged and culturally insensitive toward the worldviews of Native Peoples. More importantly because I did not think apartheid was 'my problem,' reconciliation was not a priority. I was not an active political member of my county. It was easy for me to avoid participating in reconciliation because no-one asked me about it. Not only did I feel that I had not played a part in the current state of affairs, but I was also angry at the previous generation for the current circumstances. I felt trapped and afraid to push back against the dominant social discourse. I started to realize that the cognitive prison of apartheid positioned the Native Person as the perfect stranger (Dion, 2013), and this way of thinking generates a hands- A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 29 off relationship with Native Peoples. As a settler immigrant in Canada, I could see South Africa's reflection hidden deeply within the social discourse. However, I also realized the distinct social discourse that perpetuates a dominant view of Indigenous Peoples. I could sense my desire to be part of reconciliation, but I lacked the direction or know-how to do it. The efficient failure of systems like South Africa and Canada consistently disables the ability to engage and acknowledge Indigenous worldviews in transformational reconciliation respectfully. My reflection highlighted a reality that I had not confronted within myself and the social system I live in; however, now I am ready to do so. The limitations of my role as an emerging adult in the apartheid era in South Africa no longer prevents me from facing the hard truths about how we treat each other. The result is a body of work that engages the deeply embedded racism and deconstructs the preconceived notions we have about one another. The current thesis project intends to establish a model that validates our processes as they emerge experientially on the reconciliation journey. As we continue to examine ourselves considering our reconciliation processes, we can negotiate and confront the current social location. I am hopeful that the process will begin to transform the current discoursers around reconciliation. The result could be a location where we can honour each other respectability to achieve genuine reconciliation as human beings. Purpose of This Study The current research project's primary purpose is to investigate underlying processes of action and sustaining momentum required to achieve meaningful participation in societal reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples of Canada. By exploring what reconciliation with Indigenous people means for non-Indigenous emerging adults counselling students, this project will help address the lack of literature regarding the process of reconciliation. This research will A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 30 clarify the threats and limitations of cultural insensitivity and ethnocentrism between Indigenous Peoples and emerging Non–Indigenous graduate students in counselling psychology. Reconciliation is beyond the scope of this project. However, the study investigates colonial society as it shapes the subjective experience of non-Indigenous emerging adults in Canada today. This is a worthwhile project because the research highlights the potential barriers that can prevent the voluntary participation of emerging adults from joining in a dialogue about reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples of Canada. Recognizing that our experiences' underlying process is not transparent to us, I suggest that settler cognitive prisons' awareness will make oppressive structures more visible as Canadian's face reality and consequences of oppression. This thesis aims to clear up misunderstandings surrounding reconciliation for future generations in Canada. The following research questions will give direction to this study. "How do emerging adult non-Indigenous students envision engaging in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada today, and "what does reconciliation mean to you, emerging adult non-Indigenous students?" Cultivating Canada is both a burst of creative energy and a reconsideration of our pasts. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 31 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY In this chapter, I describe the methodology for the current thesis. First, I describe the theoretical context, including the paradigmatic considerations for the study. This chapter presents my reasons for choosing an integrated research approach consisting of a two-eye seeing, grounded theory qualitative method, and this choice's suitability for the research question. I then describe the research procedures used in the current study. Paradigm Considerations Recognizing that science is influenced by the philosophical foundations and theories of research paradigms. However, this long-standing way of describing research paradigms in academic writing reflects the embedding of paradigm description within colonial forces and related power structures. These academic traditions promote certain knowledge forms and ways of generating knowledge over others by describing research in cultural traditions shaped fundamentally by colonial practices (Cajete, 2000). Etuaptmumk is the Mi'kmaw for the term Two‐Eyed Seeing. Two-Eyed Seeing a practice framework for equitably embracing multiple perspectives within an approach. Mi'kmaw Elder, Albert Marshall, talks about Two‐Eyed Seeing as a way to discover to see from one eye with the gifts of Indigenous knowledge and ways of knowing (Broadhead & Howard, 2021). The other eye witnesses the strengths of mainstream pieces of knowledge (including western sciences) and methods of knowledge in combining these views mutually for the benefit of all (for example see, Bartlett et al., 2012). More examples of Two-Eyed Seeing include the participants' wisdom and perspective and asking questions about reconciliation. The curiosity of the current research project exercises the Indigenous principles of 'witnessing the relational, moral code of Indigenous storytelling and the assumption that the participants and the researcher will each have differing worldviews. This current thesis adopts A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 32 the perspective that all knowledge is "partial, incomplete and fallible" (Maxwell & Mittapalli, 2010, p. 2015). The current research project's epistemological tenets can be described in academic discourse aligning with a constructivist paradigm and critical realism's theoretical principles. Qualitative research methodologies are being used to examine thinking and discovery in new ways (Rennie, 1998). This research project aims not to borrow extant concepts and replicate studies within a positivist paradigm. A constructivist inquiry, grounded in the participants' experience, embraces the diversity of the participants' commitments to ontological realism. Epistemological pluralism simultaneously allows the researchers to acknowledge that all research resolves to advance, refine, and increase a body of knowledge, establish facts and reach new conclusions using systematic inquiry and disciplined methods (Polit & Beck, 2012). A Constructivist paradigm promotes a generated theory that closely corresponds to the real world (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 42) and can also reflect an objectivist stance (Engward, 2013). To explore the reality of reconciliation as a social phenomenon and describe it objectively, it may help observe agents or interview them, to write realist tales (Trochim & Donnelly, 2007). A grounded theory qualitative methodology can explore the contextual nature of this phenomenon. A constructivist paradigm can acknowledge how human beings are influenced by the values that inform the paradigm they choose for inquiry. Addressing this complexity and confronting existing problems, Two‐Eyed Seeing has come about to promote the coexistence of contrasting paradigms across a variety of fields such as in teaching (Hatcher et al., 2009), medication (Hall et al., 2015; Martin, 2012) and natural world health (Kutz & Tomaselli, 2019). However, there has yet to be equal consideration of Two‐Eyed Seeing applications in the domain of reconciliation research. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 33 In the current thesis, we move outside of the typical process of participating, merging, or integrating other knowledges and ways of knowing in Western science and as an alternative build an ethic of knowledge coexistence and complementarity in knowledge creation using Two‐ Eyed Seeing as a guiding framework. Two‐Eyed Seeing co‐develops questions, documents, and mobilizes knowledge through co‐producing of insights and decisions. Indigenous knowledge is now widely accepted as a shared body of knowledge, exercise and belief sprouting via adaptive processes and handed down over generations by cultural broadcasting in the form of stories and, about the rapport of living beings (comprising humans) with one another and through their environment (Berkes, Folke, 2001). A critical addition to this description is that this situated knowledge is not detachable from the knowledge holders or keepers and is it not divisible from the environment in which it is rooted (McGregor, 2004). Irrespective of terminological preferences, what we truly crave is approaches that cure, rather than bolster, current power relations; regard differences, instead of concealing them; and maintain, as opposed to shrinking, their distinctive assets (Muller, 2012). These last components consist of another essential, a moral one (Paton, 1971), to research in a manner that encourages social justice and selfdetermination (Reid et al., 2020). Elders are the heart of Indigenous communities, and they are the bond that keeps people collected. Elders are the guardians of sacred narratives, compositions, dialect, cultures, and rituals. The university Siya:m offers a cultural and spiritual foundation for helping Trinity Western University to develop a relationship. Knowledge and encouragement from Elders such as the university Siya:m can inform research protocol, human resources, and policy development. Like a grounded theory research method, two-Eyed Seeing is a framework that centers on a process rather than an outcome. It is portrayed in its relentless quest of A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 34 responsibilities to creatures, all creatures now and seven generations forward (McMillan & Prosper, 2016). The second reader reading of this thesis is the university Siya: m. Engaging an elder in an Indigenous community is essential for meaningful engagement and increases opportunities for Two-eyed-seeing for this project. Research Design Gaston Bachelard, the French philosopher, pioneered the concept of epistemological obstacles or epistemological barriers to describe the intellectual hurdles that scientists may face when approaching new scientific problems (Donahue et al., 1998). He claimed that to develop new approaches to a question; scientists must overcome the barriers posed by their prior views (O’Donahue et al., 1998). Explained differently, a good researcher must consider that historical worldviews and reasoning patterns may become obstacles to potential progress and knowledge production. The current research incorporates three qualitative research approaches, hermeneutic query, grounded theory, and Interpersonal Process Recall (IPR), to understand complex human phenomena. A hermeneutic method uses thick description, paradigm cases, exemplars, and thematic analysis to discover meanings and ways of being (practices) in lived experiences (see Rennie, 1998). Grounded theory methodology aims to generate an analytic schema called a substantive grounded theory that conceptually explains basic social processes at a higher abstraction level. Grounded theory's overall goal is to construct a theoretical model that explains a phenomenon of interest, and the process is based on the direct experiences and perspectives of participants. This design involves an iterative process in which the researcher moves between data collection and data analysis. With insights gained through analysis phases, this iterative process supports the continued theoretical process of formulation as participants contribute the elaboration of as yet A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 35 undeveloped components (Charmaz, 2008). IPR is used to access an individuals' conscious yet unspoken experiences as they occurred at the time of the interpersonal interaction under investigation (Cowie et al., 2014). While each of the three research approaches has integrity and yields different outcomes, triangulation of these three qualitative approaches in one study can illuminate realities that elude alternative approaches. The current study facilitates a mode of access because the reader becomes a witness to the truth beyond what is available as a statement. When reading this document, the reader may witness oneself within the experience. Witnessing is the essential dialogical and relational performative process of bearing witness to another, and what ultimately matters is not merely the information, the formation of acts, but the practice itself of living through testimony, of giving testimony" and our subjective response to the process (Nagy, 2017). Subjectivity refers to one's sense of self and agency, in other words, our ability to respond to and address others (Oliver, 2001). Addressability and response-ability—in principle, witnessing—are embedded in subjectivity because we are profoundly connected to other people and our environment (Oliver, 2001). However, even though we understand ourselves as agents through relations with others, Oliver argues that recognition is distributed along axes of power (Oliver, 2001). The intention of the current study is for the reader to recognize how witnessing might inspire or strengthen settler thinking and decolonizing change via the unlearning of colonial mindsets. Grounded Theory and Hermeneutic Query As Glaser and Strauss (1967, pp. 28-52) describe, the current research process includes the constant comparative method of engaging with the data in Hermeneutics' cyclical model. The current research study used psychology approaches that allow the participants' worldviews to be A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 36 understood. The constructivist approach enables psychologists to understand the experiences of various persons and groups of persons from their perspective and context, rather than applying a pre-existing set of assumptions and hypotheses to the collection and analysis of information. Philosophically, the researcher is recognized as a mediator of the phenomenon under investigation. It is expected that different investigators would develop different views of the same phenomenon, each of which could be plausible within its limits (Rennie, 1998). The grounded approach (Heath & Crowley, 2004; Glaser & Strauss, 1967, Charmaz, 2008) compels the investigator to stay close to their data. The spontaneous impact that the investigator has upon the data conveys more of the possibilities than on the constancy of an emerging theory. The practice that obliges investigators to remain close to their data, which constitutes the approach's systematization, is the constant comparative method's abductive process. Hermeneutics reveals the uniqueness of shared meanings and common practices that can inform how we think about our practice. The grounded theory provides a conceptual framework useful for planning interventions and further research. The model of hermeneutics has existed since ancient times; the term hermeneutics translates roughly from the Greek word hermeneutike, which means interpretation (Smith, 2002, p. 432). In Ancient Greece, hermeneutics first applied to divine messages through oracles and omens (Muganga, 2015). Without the speaker, the words, isolated on their own, are subject to multiple interpretations and the threat of empty spaces. In the current research project, hermeneutics aspires to fill these spaces by perceiving a text's most proper understanding (Smith, 2002). Crotty (2004) argues that “texts are not just antique or foreign curiosities. They are means of transmitting meaning experience, beliefs, values from one person or community to another" Crotty, 2004, p. 91). Tan, Wilson & Olver (2009) contend that the hermeneutical research loop should consider the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 37 individuals involved in the events, involving the orator/author and the person who reads/hearer, therefore providing the participants' experience a suitable frame reference. Figure 2 Hermeneutic Loop From “The Existential Foundation of the Hero’s,” by R. Harris, 2015 Pictured above is the Hermeneutic Loop, which illustrates the differences in the relationship between the orator and the person who hears. Another way to describe this experience is to consider that I will have slightly different interpretations of a text, event, or situation than the participant under study. However, just like a grounded theory approach, the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 38 overall analysis should consider both viewpoints (Muganga, 2015)). There are similarities between Glaserian grounded theory methodology and the hermeneutic practice because both approaches focus on establishing meaning and interpretation through inter-subjectivity and dialogue. Additionally, regarding the perplexing issue of researcher prejudices, there are semblances between Glaserian grounded theory and Gadamer and Fantel (1975) highlighting of fore meanings"(p. 267) in receiving the truth. Gadamer explains, "The important thing is to be aware of one's own bias so that the text can present itself in all its otherness and thus assert its truth against one's fore-meanings." (Age, 2011, p. 269)). Grounded theory is the brainchild of American sociologists Barney G. Glaser and Anselm L. Strauss (Charmaz, 2008). The method was initially used to respond to Glaser and Strauss's disenchantment while undertaking the Awareness of Dying (Glaser, 1978) study. Glaser and Strauss insisted that theories should be formed from the data itself rather than deduced from testing hypotheses of existing approaches (Charmaz, 2008). Glaser and Strauss stressed the need for theories to generate and accurately correspond to social research, which they understood would be "more successful than theories logically deduced from a priori assumptions" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 6). Glaser and Strauss pioneered a methodology to address the "embarrassing gap between theory and empirical research" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 2). Glaser and Strauss designed these exacting techniques to ensure that as data is collected, coded, and compared, it is organized into progressively abstract categories. Interpersonal Recall Process Interpersonal Process Recall (IPR) is a data management strategy created by Norman Kagan (1980) that encourages counsellors to understand and enact upon perceptions to which they might not attend. The objectives of IPR are to increase counsellor awareness of covert A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 39 thoughts and feelings of client and self. Interpersonal Process Recall (IPR) involves detecting a phenomenon, object, event or setting of interest, identifying a few local concepts, principles, structural or process features of the experience or phenomenon of interest, making decisions regarding the initial collection of data based on one's initial understanding of the phenomenon (Cashwell, 1994). For this research, IPR was a helpful method for additional data collection in the second interviews. The rationale for comparing the first and the second interviews is their theoretical relevance for cultivating emergent categories (Cashwell, 1994). Interpersonal process recall (IPR) is a qualitative interview method designed to access practices close to the moment of contact as can be conceivable (Cashwell, 1994). This study's primary objective was to use interpersonal process recall (IPR; Kagan, 1980) to obtain the participants' reports of their subjective experiences during the exploration of participating in reconciliation. When the participant observes themselves the potential problematic reactions to illuminate the internal cognitive and affective processes, they engage in to resolve complicated issues and effect changes in their behaviour are illuminated. This model of the participants' subjective experience was then contrasted and compared with the an acculturation performance model (Bennett, 2004, Rice & Saperia, 1984) to increase understanding of the change process during the change event. The Constant Comparative Method Qualitative researchers generally advocate a trio of general approaches to qualitative research (Rennie, 1998). First, investigators code data and crudely quantify the codes to prove a theoretical proposition. Second, researchers are just interested in creating theories. Data is inspected to detect new properties of academic categories. The third approach merges the first two, and the result is Glaser's and Strauss's constant comparative method (see Figure 3 below). A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 40 Investigators methodically catalogue data and limit theorizing until patterns in the data emerge from the catalogue operation. This method entails data collection, open categorizing, writing, memos, transferring the research toward parsimony via the determination of a core category, reprocessing of earlier steps concerning the core category, organization of memos, and the report of the theory in terms an illustration of data that developed over the last stage (Glaser, 1978). In the following description of the method, this section will develop an image from the research on participants' experience. Figure 3 Constant Comparative Method From “Applying Grounded Theory method for measuring employment opportunities generated by a shopping centre development,” by N. Faizah Ngadimi, 2020, International Journal of Real Estate A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 41 Studies Journal, 13(1)/2019, 50-72 The Rationale for the Research Design The current study was conducted using a combination of grounded theory hermeneutics and IPR, as defined by Glaser and Strauss (1967), Corbin and Strauss (2015), and Charmaz (2008) and adopted by Rennie, Phillips, and Quartaro (1988). The reconciliation process may require mature cognitive orientations that include mutual trust, positive attitudes toward the other parties, and an individual's ability to cultivate reflective engagement capacities in mutually responsive intercultural dialogue (Bennett, 2004) (see Literature Review). The topic of Reconciliation between non-Indigenous and Indigenous populations in Canada can impact the related fears, hopes, and goals of individuals and communities involved in terms of affectivity and interdependence (Nagy, 2017). A grounded theory can help extrapolate significant insights necessary to understand better the underlying process of the perceived hopes and threats relevant to reconciliation. A hermeneutic method of inquiry and IPR designs a research method appropriate for understanding a phenomenon that has not been previously studied or is not well understood. This research method provides an opportunity to create a theory in subject areas traditional research methods have difficulty accessing (Rennie, 1988). The problematic situations surrounding reconciliation include the ability for a research method to contain three valuable tenets. First, the data should be multi-context data, second, the research method needs to be able to construct a framework of the lived experience, and finally, the research method cannot formulate the hypotheses in advance since preconceived hypotheses result in a theory that is ungrounded from the data (Corbin & Strauss, 2015). The research question is an abductive method of enquiry (Corbin &Strauss, 2015). Abduction in data processing consists of compiling or uncovering, based on an A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 42 interpretation of accumulated data, such patterns of features for which there is no appropriate rationalization or rule in the body of knowledge that before now existed (Reichertz, 2007). Abduction brings together things that one had never associated with, and the process is cerebral. It can also be described as an intellectual act, a mental leap, and a cognitive logic of discovery (Reichertz, 2007). Graduate counselling psychology students Non-Indigenous will respond to two questions: "How do emerging adult non-Indigenous students engage in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada today?" and "what does reconciliation mean to you?" Participants The current study participants were emerging adult students enrolled in a master’s program in counselling psychology in a private university. Advertising with posters (see Appendix A) was placed throughout the graduate program building. Students contacted this researcher to volunteer for the study. One applicant was not a Canadian citizen and could not participate in the research because this would not satisfy the research ethics board application. The rationale for selecting Canadian citizens is based on the premise that we must recognize our common humanity and the permanent connection with one another, and the place we live as citizens. Our collective wellbeing rests with the relationships we build today. Six participants were recruited, and they ranged in age from 18 to 35 and were Canadian citizens for longer than ten years. Two of the participants were Caucasian and born in Canada, one participant identified as an Asian Canadian, and one described themselves as a European immigrant The remaining two participants described themselves as a people of colour born in and lifelong residents of Canada. Qualitative research methods like GT explain processes and examine patterns of human behaviour. The researcher asks themselves, “what is going on here?” Like in the current study, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 43 qualitative research is conducted in uncontrolled or “naturalistic” settings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). The most frequently used method of data collection is in-depth unstructured interviews. Interviewing in this research study required the researcher to inspect my origins, bias, and considerations; to be sympathetic to participants; to be empathetic to their experiences; and thoughtfully share experiences and respond with participants through a dialogical interview process (Quinney, 2016). Participants completed a brief five-minute pre-screening interview consisting of two questions (See Appendix B. The interviews were conducted in an individual un-structured format for approximately 60- minutes. The participants were interviewed and asked two questions, “How do you engage in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada today?” and “what does reconciliation mean to you?” (See Appendix C). No notes were taken during the interview. Each of the initial interviews was audio-recorded and later transcribed by a professional transcription service. Confidentiality agreements were signed before transcription (See Appendix D). The second interview was conducted via Zoom and was recorded and stored on a password-restricted zoom account. Participants signed consent forms before the interviews (See Appendix E). A debriefing discussion was conducted after the 60-minute interviews (See Appendix F). Participant anonymity and confidentiality was maintained by removing any identifying information. The use of pseudonyms-maintained anonymity in the results and the discussion section, and during data analysis. The names of the participants were replaced with numbers for analysis. During the reporting and writing of the results, the participants' anonymity was protected using letters instead of identifying information. All data is stored on a passwordprotected, encrypted USB key, kept in a safe area for five years. Data Analysis Grounded theorists are mainly interested in the meaning of a person's experiences A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 44 (Rennie & Fergus, 2006). The analysis is the conceptualization of material and conceptualizing codes (Rennie, 1998) preferred by Rennie; the conceptualization of material began with conceptualized codes. I reviewed the texts of transcripts and identified, observable activity (e.g., reading, thinking, watching) and other general conceptual action (e.g., judging, denying, adapting) is usually coded as such through a process code. This coding process captures human activity processes, which can be “strategic, routine, random, novel, automatic, and thoughtful” (Corbin & Strauss, 2008, p. 247). Rennie recommends beginning with a review of transcript recordings of interviews. Codes emerge from critical analysis the constant comparison procedures (Creswell & Zhang, 2009; Glaser, 2002). Open coding is “the process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualizing, and categorizing data” (Corbin & Strauss, 1990, p. 61). Analysis is then supported by axial coding, whereby data are put back together in new ways after open coding by making connections between categories. The final or result stage of a grounded theory analysis describes a provisional matrix, an analytic aid, a diagram, useful for considering the wide range of conditions and consequences related to the phenomenon under study. The matrix enables the analysis to differentiate and connect levels of conditions and consequences (Corbin & Strauss, 2008, p. 158). Each of the levels of analysis is explained in more detail in the sections that follow. Coding Beginning with open coding, we used coloured pens and highlighters to identify and associate repeated ideas. The author listened to and read over all 6 of the initial interviews and transcripts. This author then identified themes connecting a cluster of units. The units consisted of reconciliation pathways (legacy of privilege, time, epistemological privilege, deconstructing A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 45 colonization, and colonization). Over six months and multiple meetings with the supervisor, we recognized and interpreted vital concepts, and contrasted, discussed, synthesized, and reached a consensus about the overarching ideas. This process was recorded in a table format for each participant. The analysis process included a method of enquiry that asks questions like, “What is this about?” and “What is referenced here?” (Holton, 2007, p.16). Hermeneutics was selected as one of the appropriate research approaches since the research goal was to interpret how participants understood the construct and practice of societal reconciliation. Recognizing that knowledge is constructed through dialogue: meaning emerges via dialogue or hermeneutic conversation between the text and the inquirer (Koch, 1996). A unique characteristic of hermeneutics is returning to the object of inquiry once more and each time with an enhanced understanding and a more thorough interpretive account (Patterson and Higgs, 2005). Heidegger’s metaphor of the hermeneutic circle is described as “the experience of moving dialectically between the parts and the whole” (Koch, 1996, p. 176). In other words, the researcher becomes a component of this circle, repeatedly shifting between interpretations of portions of the text and interpretations of the whole text, symbolizing an emerging perception of the phenomenon. As analysis continued, concrete and abstract categories or clusters began to form. These substantial and conceptual categories were selected and coded on memo cards in different colours. We then highlighted and named the themes and developing pathways within each which of the clustered ideas. Throughout this process, the primary researcher noted their thoughts and feelings regarding the raw data analyzed in a research journal and on journal cards. We identified themes and activities in terms of the type of approach that the categories took and how they A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 46 discussed participating, and the meaning of reconciliation. Each element represents the respondent’s understanding of what causes the ‘truth, and this framework acknowledges the participants as an insider expert of their process (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Grounded theory is the invention of emergent conceptualizations into integrated patterns, denoted by categories and their properties. GT's many rigorous steps are woven together by the constant comparison process, designed to generate concepts from all data (Glaser, 2002). The use of memo cards to illustrate the abstract codes on one side and the potential concrete analyses of the data on the flip side was a useful strategy (theoretical sensitivity). I then began to apply the constant comparative method using meaning units within Vivo categories written on meaning unit cards in different colours representing each participant's processes. The steps of integrating categories and their properties began. As the axial coding continued, the constant comparative units changed from comparison of an incident with an incident to the comparison of an incident with properties of the category that resulted from initial comparisons of incidents. At this point, the facilitators and hurdles began to emerge. In other words, Initially, I started comparing the data per participant; however, as this process evolved, the constant comparative extended from a single participant to between the participants. I used rigour in the analysis because cases may be similar on many variables but have different outcomes compared to see where the critical causal differences may lie. Recognizing we are having a multitude of thoughts, feelings, sensations, which we are not usually aware of, or have a moment in time to process, but which shrewdly influence how we behave, respond, and relate at one moment in time (Allen, 2004). After the initial coding process, I returned to the interviewees and asked them to confirm whether the emerging concepts and theories are accurate. For the next step, the data analysis table reported from the author, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 47 transcripts, and recordings were introduced to the participants for a zoom recorded second 60minute interview. Participants were also invited to share any new insights regarding reconciliation. IPR was presented practically, which allowed the participants to listen to and read their initial interview and the data analysis from this interview. IPR is a self-reflective learning method, a self-discovery process developed by Norman Kagan (1980). It is recognized as a safe, self-reliant way of placing the participant(s) at the heart of their experience. As the process unfolded, it was possible to draw attention to their underlying processes themselves, which can be both viewed and facilitated in the analysis process. Allen describes this process as, once processes enter into our awareness, they can present us with valuable knowledge about our interactions, our method of conduct ourself in particular situations, about the way we perceive others, and the way others perceive us’ (Allen, 2004). The participants were able to recall and explore. This constant comparative process emerged and supported the values of using a system of logic, i.e., Cases that have the same or similar outcome are examined to see which conditions they have in common (Mill, 2011). Doing this step revealed the necessary or sufficient causes during the participants' process. Selective coding is the practice of choosing an individual category to be the core category and associating all other categories to that category. This step essentially developed a single storyline that included everything else, recognizing that the core concept always exists as instrumental to theory building. I am writing a story and selective coding is the driver that urges this story forward. I used theoretical notes recorded in the coding analysis table to develop the data's theoretical implications (Strauss & Corbin, 2015). This process revealed the overarching themes such as Social Locale, the developing pathways like privilege, and the posture or stance of this process for the participants. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 48 The Rigor and Reflexivity In laying the groundwork, I participated in a self-reflective process of composing a record of my development and awareness of reconciliation in a research journal. I contemplated my own experiences, and I continuously noted similarities to and differences of my experiences when compared to others' experiences. I continued to record the beliefs I carry about the research phenomena and the personal biases throughout the study. This contributed to rigour because the current study included journaling to record my process to become more flexible and creative in using the verification strategies that determine the evolving study's reliability and validity. An example of this process is when I could not connect with one of the participants' responses to the research question. When I began to journal my experience, I realized that I was anxious that perhaps reconciliation would never happen. Before journaling, the idea that I was experiencing countertransference did not occur to me. Engaging reflexivity during the data collection is a step toward filling a quality gap in theory. Reflexivity in grounded theory emphasizes theoretical sensitivity and the use of self in developing the research questions and doing analysis (Hall & Callery, 2001, p. 263). During data collection, I perceived preliminary codes, I compared and organized while formulating an emerging theory. Field notes and memos were used to record substantive findings via constant comparisons and framing theoretical memos as the emerging theoretical framework. As the primary researcher, I influenced the research project's design, including the research questions. My reflexive analysis is highlighted and described in how and where the participants' specific intuitive observations and considerations are recorded, analyzed, and reported in this document. The record of memos and field notes is a testament to traces of my explanations for important procedural decisions as they are present at all research phases. This record spans the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 49 entire research process from the initial topic selection to final analysis and writing. I chose to record how reflexive aspects of the research process influenced me. An example of how the study influenced me is when I could relate to the confusion for the participants who wanted to become part of reconciliation but did not know-how. I felt utterly alone when I was an emerging adult in South Africa during the apartheid era. I did not venture out of my Social Location to develop cultural stamina, resulting in my being trapped in perpetuating the cycle of oppression by keeping quiet and safe. The current study invited the explicit presence of diversity, and grounded theory is that the researcher is committed to letting the data guide them. At one point in the analysis stage, I found it challenging to move from a specific participant's experience because the data felt incomplete. I decided to contact the participant for their second interview instead of forcing myself to move onto the next participant. In the second interview, the participant acknowledged that they had not been honest in their responses, and they were relieved to connect with again and share what reconciliation means to them. Grounded theory is about understanding what is happening to those experiencing a phenomenon from their point of view. From the observations and formulations that emerged in the current study, we can draw several conclusions and make meaningful reconciliation recommendations. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 50 CHAPTER 4: RESULTS This study's results display a developmental pathway pattern in participants’ engagement with reconciliation. These pathways are described here while noting similarities and contrasts with a published cultural sensitivity model, The Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) (Bennett, 2004). The DMIS model highlights six stages moving toward an increased sensitivity to cultural differences and emphasizes the fundamental cognitive orientations that individuals use to understand cultural differences. The current study’s model uses pathways, while Bennett uses a linear sequence of stages. This chapter will briefly review the overall model. Each segment of the DMIS examines in-depth, discussing the major themes related to each aspect of the approach compared to the participants' developmental pathways. Figure 1 outlines the Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) and the transitions, stances, and tasks. The DMIS continuum positions represent the progressively multifaceted perceptual administrations of cultural transformation, which reveal the increasingly complex experience of other cultures, especially when engaging with reconciliation. By recognizing the underlying knowledge of cultural differences, the predictions about behaviour and attitudes might tailor education recommendations to enable movement along the range. The first three phases include ethnocentric, described as how one sees their own culture as essential to reality. Climbing the scale, one develops an increasingly ethnorelative opinion and view of the world, suggesting that one experiences one's own culture as in the context of other cultures. By the fourth stage, ethnocentric views are replaced by ethnorelative views. There are three developmental events, a self-protective posture and attention to the personal features and environmental influences that facilitate or hinder development. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 51 When considering the DMIS model and the Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse (PSRD), the movement from the first three stages of the DMIS shift into one of the three transitions of the PSRD: The fourth stages shifts into the convergent locale of the PSRD; however, unlike the DMIS the third local of the PSRD focuses on the internal convergence of self-awareness and tolerating uncertainty, not on environmental factors. Unlike the stages of the DMIS, the participant's reflections reveal the continuous non-linear shaping of their conscious and unconscious thoughts, resulting in the circuitous process of inner turmoil. Throughout the result chapter, theoretical connections are observed and compared to the DMIS (see Figure1) because the model's original assumption is that as a person practices cultural differences, they develop a sophisticated skillset and competence in intercultural relations. However, the PSRD (see Figure 4) model illustrates that this may not always be the case. In the current study, the participants believed that calls for action in reconciliation positively influence society. The collective belief that all individuals should to be treated respectfully irrespective of their culture was unanimous. However, for some of the participants, their intercultural relatedness did not increase. The pathway model addresses their personal development of reconciliation from the naive awareness of society's reconciliatory processes defined by the Social, Internal and Convergent Locales in this section of the document. Inner Turmoil Altogether, the study participants engaged in a struggle as the research process facilitated a deeper understanding of the meaning and participating in reconciliation. The metaphor of a mirror captures each participant's procedure as their reality reflected the course of an inner turmoil. Their reflections and experiences revealed a continuous non-linear shaping of their conscious and unconscious thoughts, resulting in a painful struggle in their inner world. The A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 52 nature of the battle varied based on a combination of each participant’s developing selfawareness skills, a lack of implicit knowledge about their relationship with Indigenous others, and some resulting distortions of their personal meanings. At times they avoided noticing or engaging with cultural differences. From some of the participant's processes, it was clear that the cultural difference highlighted differences between themselves and the dominant cultural group in Canada, often referred to as white people and settlers Figure 4 The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse Overarching Categories When thinking and talking about reconciliation, the participants’ processes divide into three overarching categories. The categories organize places that a participant goes to in their head when thinking about reconciling beliefs and biases with Indigenous Peoples. The locales reflect the many intersections of experience related to race, social class, religion, age, and A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 53 worldview. The participants share their underlying thoughts about how they see themselves and what their image reveals about themselves, how they see others, and how others might see them. The first category is the Social Locale, the second is the Core Locale, and the last category is the Converging Locale. The Social Locales focused on seeing reconciliation from outside of oneself, reflecting how the participants see society and their roles in their social location. This conversation feature untangled how each participant perceived how their family, community, peers, educators, government, and their profession saw reconciliation and how they participate and make meaning of reconciliation for them. The Social Locale is a relational approach because the participants consider reconciliation through their relationships with others and the world. The Core Locale focuses on engaging with what reconciliation means within oneself. The Converging Locale describes action toward challenging oneself and society to change or maintain the status quo. Experimenting with reconciliation for each participant reveals images of the overlapping unsettled and settled interpretations of the strain the participants endure. The image is like reflecting a shifting likeness of oneself during the different stages of acculturation. Unlike the acculturation model, their reflections are not sequential; however, they are overlapping. These three locales are not sequential because they can see themselves differently, depending on one’s location. The abovementioned categories are a practical way to group the underlying process of how the participants engage with external, internal, and converging processes. The locales are overlapping, and frequently the participants are involved in experiencing one category while focusing on another category simultaneously. There is a posture in each category that appears to be an imbalance toward reconciliation experience. The pose permits a person to hold their current outlook and understanding of themselves personally in addition to their social order A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 54 while simultaneously responding to how others might see them personally and socially in the process of reconciliation. Each category also has a dynamic growth process, either toward reconciliation or toward self-preservation. The development involves various degrees of Locals of internal, external, and converging places within the process. The participants' initial postures or images when considering the meaning of reconciliation focus on maintaining the status quo. In contrast, the struggle to participate in reconciliation represents the risk of social imbalance and social quality, resulting in accusing or searching outside of oneself to solve each unique predicament. They see themselves near and far. The image distorts and restores itself as the process continues. Just as a person would see themselves in a mirror, the participants approve and disapprove of what they see. Close-up the image reveals their internal struggle, and further back, the picture shows the external reflection of the stressors concerning reconciliation. Like a reflection in a funhouse, the image became distorted, resulting in shame, guilt, and frustration. Otherwise, a straightforward process toward engaging with reconciliation begins to emerge. The result is an image of both the reconcilable and irreconcilable pathways between the categories. Locales represent an attitude that precedes a responsibility toward Indigenous Peoples and reconciliation. It can also describe a place where a person goes to as they reflect on their reconciliation role. This outlook is unique to the participants’ culture of thinking, and their attitude about themselves, others, and reconciliation. They go into this process of experimenting with reconciliation that does not appear indispensable for movement to the next locale. The Core location commences through considering a task or action which results in an attitude about the participant. Participants who did not advance to the Convergent Local maintained their earlier posture of tolerating the uncertainty about their relationship with reconciliation. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 55 Developing Pathways or themes: Included in each of the three categories are themes referred to as developmental pathways. The pathways are a process of seven developmental ways. Each pathway aids in describing how at different times during the research process, the participants appear to understand societal reconciliation at the surface level. At other times, they can consider the impacts of participating in reconciliation on a deeper level. When asked, participants explored the meaning of reconciliation and the participation in/of reconciliation, revealing the relationship between developed and underdeveloped pathways and each participants' ability to construct understanding related to their cultural thinking. Being asked about reconciliation facilitated both the positive and negative aspects of themselves, ‘thinking about’ highlighted specific threats and hurdles that became increasingly distorted and overwhelming depending on their worldview. Alternatively, some participants remained steadfast in their view of the world. In contrast, others struggled with each part of meaning-making and participating in reconciliation. When confronted with the question of participating in reconciliation, most participants did not have clear answers. The participants who tolerated uncertainty better were less likely to feel stuck in anticipation of what to do with reconciliation. Unable to move forward, rather than fixating on discovering certainty in the meaning and participation of reconciling, these participants began to explore strategies that could help them increase their tolerance for uncertainty and, in turn, develop approaches to start imagining what reconciliation could be like between them and the indigenous peoples. The process can also be explained as looking at themselves and reconciliation close-up and from a distance. Close-up reflections highlight what appear to be imperfections in the participants' identity and perceived social location; however, stepping further away from themselves reveals an image of their professional A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 56 identity and role in society at large, highlighting the complex process of reconciliation for an emerging adult. The categories of developmental pathways are Epistemological Privilege, Cognitive Prisons, Performative Contradictions, Deconstruction and Construction of Colonization, Exploring Reconciliation, and Time. The categories of developing pathways appear to be a pre-requisite to the participants' relationship with indigenous peoples and, ultimately, reconciliation. The pathways highlighted in the data illustrate how each participant sets their expectations and monitors their achievements concerning their imagined role in reconciliation. Within each developing pathway, there are two different postures. The postures are highlight processes that are referred to as facilitators and hurdles. Included in each of the five pathways are two other functions, first facilitators and second hurdles. Facilitators are instrumental in describing each participant's posture and the process in which they organize ways and approaches to engage with reconciliation. Hurdles can be explained as the hindrance or interferences experienced in meaning-making and actionable commitments to participate in reconciliation. For some participants, the overwhelming belief is that they must know something like reconciliation to do something with it. However, for others, it appears that with appropriate cognitive scaffolding and instruction on how to relate and extend ideas, then the surface learning of reconciliation could result in a deep understanding of their personal and professional commitments to participate in reconciliatory dialogues. Some participants were more tolerant of the ambiguity and uncertainty surrounding their role in participating in reconciliation; however, others were more likely to experience conversion-related stress when thinking about what reconciliation means to them. Figure 4 illustrates the discourse of participants' culture of thinking combined with their ability and inability to tolerate the uncertainty around what reconciliation A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 57 gives and takes from us resulted in a model called The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse (TPRD). Social Locale In this segment, the meanings of the Social Locale are explained. First, the locale will be described. Then, the postures of Privilege will be presented, revealing the facilitators and hurdles related to the participants' task of exploring the meaning and what ‘participating in’ reconciliation in Society is for them. Although some participants defined themselves as more culturally sensitive as each crossed the threshold their discussion about reconciliation, several participants described who they were by customs that came to be described as positions or Social Locale. When the participants expressed their overall Social Locale, their responses resonated with Canada being an excellent place to live in and an ambiguous perception that prejudice in the Canadian culture exists; however, it is mainly a thing of the past. The participants acknowledged The Truth and Reconciliation (TRC) Call for Action. They cited being aware of the sixties scoop, residential schools, and the impacts of colonization on Indigenous Peoples in the past. However, Canada's development as a constitution, land settlements and treaties, which were often described as directly related to Indigenous Peoples, and although they appear to be an essential part of establishing their social local, were often left as a side note addressed with ambiguity. There is some but little acknowledgment of Turtle Island or what was here before Canada's system was established. They admitted that there are still prejudiced people and entities in our society, including corrupt or ill-informed individuals. Prejudiced acts are discrete, recognizable by white people aimed at identifiable minority persons living in Canada. It is important to note that Canada’s victims' social locations included Asian, African, and European communities. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 58 Moreover, the emphasis on culture superseded skin colour. The participants were often overcome with apathy when discovering the impacts of their lack of knowledge of the Indigenous other's cultural differences. Although they were enthusiastic in responding with ideas about participating in reconciliation, one could not help but wonder if they optimized a stranger. The research process invited them to consider themselves and reconciliation. When some remained provoked by their exclusive function in reconciliation and the awareness of privilege, they either comprehended a shallow, external way, to try and integrate their thoughts of their current social world and location. Others became defensive, sometimes assuming the role of an outsider looking in, almost like a tourist visiting another place and staying in the peripheral as a means of survival against the threat of their fragile worldview. To maintain this posture, they needed to continue to see reconciliation and Indigenous Persons as different or separate from themselves. Ultimately, the result was that the participants believed that they are worthy of better treatment. They did remain blinded or oblivious of their assumptions and stereotypes about reconciliation; however, they were paralyzed by just how their defiance led to uneasiness around participating in reconciliation. This impaired vision is understood over self-contradictory testimonies where they defined the tension as knowing reconciliation needs to happen, however thinking of reconciliation insights a developing awareness of the potential need to trespass on the privileged territory, which resulted in the perpetuated cycle of their privilege through their inactions or words. They were prepared to launch an understanding of how injustice and privilege complement colonialism as a force in society; nevertheless, all the participants were not ready to step closer and consider their reflection as one of the steps of approaching their role in the confusing dynamic. They retorted to pragmatic cognitions through fastidious commitment as they imagined A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 59 how they and affiliates of additional cultures might play a role in reconciliation. They also admitted their distress about the thought of introducing themselves to situations like these. A few participants were uncomfortable being the minority group within the imagined location of engaging with Indigenous Peoples and reconciliation. Epistemic privilege and the distraction of an epistemic authority hindered their ability to focus solely on reconciliation as they grasped for security-related options to engage with the topic and how each discovered privilege as an entity secret and separate to themselves. The process facilitated communication about feeling unhappy, devastated, frustrated and disheartened because Indigenous Peoples must face certain realities resulting from the participant’s privilege. The interviews compile experiential aspects resulting in feedback on how positive it was to think about spending time with Indigenous Peoples. Ultimately, the participants were impressed with their ability to process, share, and engage with reconciliation in the interviews. Places of Privilege The description of the developmental pathway of privilege and additional concepts in the framework begin with an outline of the posture. The process continues to discuss some hurdles and facilitators, which help define the construct's themes. The privilege of privilege is the naivest outlook regarding reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples embodied in the current study. People with this outlook appreciate privilege as a covert thing. However, they understand cultural differences only as overt acts that threaten or impede this privilege. The themes of the Place of Privilege posture from the data will now be presented. First, I will summarize this theme's posture, which is the belief in maintaining the existing situation. Second, the data will highlight this approach to privilege, denies truths of advantage. Thirdly, participants' processes will reveal the nature of supporting privilege and its impact on Indigenous Peoples' relationships and, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 60 ultimately, reconciliation. Fourth, excerpts of the data will reflect the self-motivation that keeps persons in this ‘source code posture.’ When discussing privilege, they talked about their unconscious acceptance and inclusion into this place of privilege. They received it unwillingly and cannot remember how to return privilege to the person they received it from. It has become a legacy of privilege. They see the legacy of privilege as a historical issue and believe that this legacy is a natural consequence of succeeding in society. The hierarchies in their communities are interlocking, and there appears to be a white privilege phenomenon that is denied and protected. When people believe humanity is justified then oppression is history, they naturally fail to distinguish that people in other cultures and backgrounds are different from their own. 3 There is a part of me that I think, I’ve probably been complicit in that type of thing, it’s like talking about, you know the importance and, you know, I’ve wept over, you know the injustices that have happened to, um first nations people, and those were like genuine tears, but at the same time, um, I’ve kind of just gone on living my life, and it doesn’t make any difference of terms of the choices I make or anything (Participant B). I’d say that [I am] a little bit disappointed in how Canada is dealing with reconciliation In Canada, um, I think that we like to think of ourselves as being like very multicultural, but I don’t necessarily see that (Participant F). The hurdle to considering Indigenous peoples' relationship is that some participants have 3 This statement is highlighted in italics because it is an example of participants’ discourse. This presentation of the discourse is different to APA. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 61 been taught to view privilege as an elusive subject. The pressure to avoid the issue is enormous because it must first acknowledge the colossal unseen dimensions of the Place of Privilege. Recognizing that privilege puts others at a disadvantage, we do not always come to terms with one of its repercussions, which is the existence that white privilege places us at an advantage. Some participants appear to experiment with reconciliation from a base of unacknowledged privilege, which acts as a hurdle to cultural sensitivity because the oppressiveness is unconscious. This developing pathway highlights that they do not realize the unearned Place of Privilege and have been conditioned into unconsciousness about its existence. Contemporary society is structured to encompass enculturated worldviews to maintain the myth that choice is equally available. I think that allowing yourself as a privileged person or whatever you want to call it, allowing yourself to go there to give up your privilege or to see it even, to even to give it up but to recognize it it’s there, is a step toward reconciliation. I guess that the Indigenous people just don’t know it yet or don’t know that, but my family knows that (Participant D). So, there is a part of me that wants to kind of, uh-There’s-there’s is different parts of me, and there’s a part of me that wants to say, you know “Get over that” you know, “it’s in the past. We’re hundreds of years removed. There’s a part of me that wants that kind of see things that way and kind of get on with my life (Participant B) I feel like my role is very little. I feel like I am kind of a supporting actor …[but] the main actors are I would say- I would think comes from the government ‘cause they can make the side (Participant E). This perspective is held together by a code, a type of ‘source code’ that dictates that one A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 62 does not talk about privilege as self-serving, does not take responsibility for the privilege, but does consider any evidence threatening to their perspective. Many of the participants held this outlook throughout the series of interviews, and their priority was to maintain ways that maintain the status quo. I don’t know that [engaging in reconciliation] will change that much in terms of my dayto-day life. I think it would be more about the acquisition of knowledge …[and] you know where I live now, like that was actually someone else’s land that we kind of took, you know, pushed someone out-out or relegated them to this kind of reservation (Participant B). No, you know there is some fear that there is so much shame, I think. …[and] I guess that I think that I’m afraid that I’ll even if I have good intentions, just kind of recreate the problem. There is a part of me that thinks it would just be easier if I don’t step into the process of reconciliation and kind of leave, you know-things would be simpler (Participant F). This research project's status quo is explained by the participants' focus on similarities between themselves and others and emphasizes the fear of differences between themselves and others and how this intersection might threaten the participant's social location. This results in an effect described as being trapped or imprisoned in the way of thinking about reconciliation. They are mostly unaware that freedom of confident action is only there for a select number of people. The Legacy of Privilege serves to prop up those in power, keep power in the same groups' hands, and fail to identify variances between groups. People in this state mostly talk about equal opportunity to remain in a position of dominance while denying that systems of domination exist. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 63 Indigenous people have always been around me, but it’s been in a different world, they are part of a different world than I am. I can see where the threat is. I mean, the threat towards white people, I’m getting at …[and] I need to give up parts of myself in order to reconcile, or my power in order to bring reconciliation to people (Participant A). Compared to prejudice, which can be explained as a social dynamic for everyone, white privilege is the traditional societal rewards which white people have due to race. White privilege is an expression of power ascending from receipt of benefits, rights, and invulnerabilities and is considered as unearned advantages and entitlement that yield results of both dominance by whites over people of colour (Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001). Positions of privilege are often interpreted as something to be absolved and even eradicated to maintain social equitabilities. However, this research acknowledges that privilege is a biased human thought process conceptualized as both a class of knowledge generated by experience from a position of advantage and disadvantage for both the marginalized and the dominant social authorities (Chimbganda 2015). The social local of Epistemological Privilege reflect the locale of the minority groups in Canada’s social settings. It is essential to discuss the points of difference between epistemic authority and epistemic privilege in recognizing epistemological privilege. Epistemic authority can be addressed in a social context because of other people's conclusions about our sincerity, reliability, trustworthiness, and objectivity (Janack,1997). An appeal typically explains our judgments of epistemic privilege because social structures dictate that certain people are better positioned to see the world than other people are. It is essential to recognize that epistemic privilege's provenance is a private, not a public display or practice. However, those privileged people who hold epistemic authority confer through social A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 64 practices and seek to claim that their methods have their legitimating grounds in epistemic privilege (Janack, 1997). The natural conclusion drawn from this claim is that theories developed by members of dominant groups will mirror; first, the interests and values of those groups, concepts developed by the oppressed will encompass a broader array of attractions and experiences, and theory developed by members of the dominant classes will be shaped by the dominant ideology, grounded in the experience’s characteristic of life as experienced by members of the dominant group, and will generally overlook the experiences of the suffering of the underclasses (Janack,1997). As evidenced in the participants experience below. With this bridge, I don’t necessarily have to be on either side. It can be its own entity or its own structure without having to be the property of either part of the land. And I think I would want to be middleman…[and] being person I can understand what it is like to be alienated and to feel like I’m looked upon differently, or I don’t fit in or these judgement already about my character is or what my personalist is, or Well if I can speak proper English or whatever. .[and] so it’s like alienation or that white people won’t understand me is almost a judgment (Participant C). Analyzing the underlying processes of the meaning and the participation in reconciliation for some of the minority groups in this research project reveals the developing pathways of actual threats related not only to their ability to experiment and engage with reconciliation but also their experiences of real-life suffering in the complex engagement with legacies of privilege. Some of the participants articulate how their own racial identities have been shaped within a broader racist culture. The participants' responsibilities might assume for living in a society in which white settlers are accorded privileges and opportunities mainly at their expense and other racial groups. A thread that emerges within relationships with indigenous peoples is an emphasis A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 65 on likenesses with Indigenous Peoples. I think that as a colored person with white people and white privilege, I think about what that would look like. And so, when I think about even Indigenous peoples, as a nonIndigenous person I question if that’s and if they believe that [reconciliation] that’s possible. I see that I am a colored person, I want to be a bridge. I see a big gap between colored and white people…[and] I want to be the bridge to unite two sides. I’m not indigenous and I’m not white and sometimes I don’t feel like a Canadian…. [reconciliation] for me is to just stay in my own little guarded area or in my own section of the land or world or whatever in my head. (Participant C). Another sub-theme that emerged from participants in this group described their discovery of what reconciliation means to them during their academic career, especially their experiences with Worldview classes. Some participants remarked that education was significant in serving as a window for them to view a world in which most of us are not different from one another and to realise the different experiences people from other cultures have to tackle. Well, if Foundations has taught me anything is that it is important to talk about …[and] and I can’t imagine myself learning to be a bridge or even starting to build a bridge for myself and others if I don’t even have access to the other side (Participant C). Hypothetically, the barely acknowledged fear of what reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples gives and takes from us serves both people of colour and the person who has the advantage of the legacy of privilege. Both groups describe that they have to prioritize their own needs above those of the Indigenous Peoples. This belief becomes a hurdle for reconciliation, especially unspoken assumptions that people of other cultures, particularly minority groups, were A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 66 restricted and limited in their resources. This process is highlighted in how most participants justified their in-actions concerning reconciliation and the risks thereof. The apathy of thinking about participating in reconciliation is replaced with the action of ‘complicatedness.’ I never really thought about my role in it. I thought about it more as, “What is the government going to do to make up for how they treated Indigenous Peoples and their ancestors?” So, I’ve never really considered it as being something that I am a part of. Makes me feel kind of shamed to say it, but yeah (Participant F). That’s interesting because [reconciliation] is more of a buzz word…[and] people are not including me in the and the phenomenon, people aren’t really exposed to it, to the word reconciliation (Participant A). The social, economic, and political limitations and separations that keep us apart when considering participating in reconciliation reinforce fear or the ‘source code’, “which reinforces Canada's colonial structures today. Within the posture having confidence that Canada has a just social order, it is perceived that disrupting the existing structures can be dangerous for certain people and result in restricted prospects. This anxiety maintains “the blinkers” and results in a shortfall because people are less likely to identify their typecasts and assumptions and recognize imperialism's truths from a bigger standpoint. The other side of being a minority is like, “yeah, that’s the world we live in like okay, so just don’t do anything about it. I think of the black community, that’ll be my first priority think if I were on my deathbed and I know, oh I had a big role in reconciliation for aboriginal people, but I did nothing for the black community. I would feel horrible. Feel like I wasted my time (Participant E). Some participants' struggles refer to the difficulty evident in many persons of colour A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 67 when they confront new information about prejudice toward others. However, this struggle does not fully capture the burden of experiential markers such as resistance and defensiveness entrenched in oppression's mental undercurrents. Memberships in oppressed groups contribute a perspective on the world that is different from the perspective available to members of the ruling class, but it is also epistemically advantageous. The recognition that reconciliation is potentially a phenomenon and not tangible is a reality that brings feelings of overwhelmed and cautiousness because it contradicts the participants' description of their general Social Locale, which is the previously mentioned (p.50) belief that Canada is a just society. Summary of the Social Locale This struggle revealed from the data captures a force of the experience. However, it does not assume that the participants' responses are limited to only resistance or opposition to growth and change. When considering the meaning and responsibility of participating in reconciliation, participants' reactions in the privilege locations may appear as developmental pathways of resistance. However, their processing may also result from the fight to cope with novel evidence and accountability. The participants are also besieged with ways to integrate novel sympathies into their identity, they struggle to cope with emotional intensity. They face the challenge of new beliefs conflicting with some former thought assumptions. Considering replies such as these as impervious rather than motivation for development could be counterproductive and result in participants feeling that reconciliation is a misunderstood and misinterpreted entity. Core Locale Now the Social Locations have been described, the Corel Locale will now be explained. The importance of the Core Locale begins with a developing opinion of oneself as a person in society and then moves into the relocations of oneself. Relocations are backward and forward A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 68 pathways that highlight the hurdles and facilitators that the participants endure while discovering their role in sustaining and depleting the momentum required to experiment with reconciliation. Although the focus of the Social Locale was about the underlying process of a developing worldview and the discovery of reconciliation outside of oneself, the emphasis of the Core Locale is about the process of developing one’s self-perception and the discovery of the implications of reconciliation with Indigenous People’s within one’s self. This location begins with the posture of doing the right thing. Participants in the Core Locale have been drawn into the exploration of reconciliation and have realized that things are not as they should be in their world. The knowledge that Indigenous People’s Calls for Action are valid in distinguishing that they may have been complicit in the participation of injustice toward Indigenous Peoples revealed two separate things. First, the student participants who engaged with this location mostly thought they already knew everything they needed to know about reconciliation. Satisfied with this knowledge they were interested in acquiring more helpful specifics about reconciliation. As an observer to this process, it revealed the apparent gap in who they are and what they have done and should be doing. They saw themselves as people who are informed, capable, professional, knowledgeable, and wanting to be able to contribute to building relationships with Indigenous Peoples. Secondly, while they specified that they wanted to be an excellent Canadian and a good person and a part of reconciliation, they also did not always feel comfortable talking about the consequences of doing this. As a witness to this experience, it is evident that the participants' propositions and content of their statements contradicted the noncontingent presuppositions that make possible the speech act's performance, such as occurs with all comments must be false. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 69 This contradiction for the participants became a catalyst for facilitating the status-quo and reinforcing the broader systems and structures that already exist in Canada today. The other consequence of the contradiction is that it becomes a hurdle in facilitating reconciliation personally and socially for the participants. One of the central values of recognizing the Core Locale is that it highlights one’s own Personal Privilege's intimate discovery. When the participants in this category engage in experimenting with their role in reconciliation, they are forced to see their reflections and their likeness to their part in preventing reconciliation. Those participants were more susceptible to criticism of white people, and they wrestled with the awareness that they had a personal responsibility toward Indigenous Peoples. The process highlighted resistance to themselves, seeing their reflections as an image of participating in privilege dynamics. The location for these participants was one of an internal and challenging journeys of performative contradictions. Approaching the reality of personal privilege and their assumptions challenged them to re-examine or called on them to consider why they held these views in the first place. It is important to note that the Core Locales did not facilitate change in some of their opinions. Because the participants held a reflection of themselves that had formerly been one of a right persons and not playing a part in being prejudice when some of them discovered their conspiracy, they entered into a stance of re-evaluating their sense of integrity virtue. Participants appeared to struggle the most when in this location because they believed that they faced certain hurdles. Examples of these hurdles included an impression that they had limited time, lacking direction, and poor focus due to little social support and a tall amount of individuality. When the encounter with themselves became intense, these participants would engage defensively and focus on discovering valid reasons to disengage from their role. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 70 Resulting in an experience of first, whether it be to divert a discussion about the challenges they face, second, an experiential image of the multiple battles they may be facing in their personal and professional capacities, e.g., a father, daughter, counsellor, and a student, and finally the apathy they recognized related to the hurt they might have caused to their families and community. The processing also came to a complete standstill in engaging with themselves and reconciliation as a whole and began to revert to a focus on the consequences for them. Some then retreated to the source code against changing the status-quo and others resisted remaining engaged with the process of growth. Those who managed this transition more successfully were self-assured that they were not responsible for the current situation. They acknowledged that their participation in reconciliation could impact them positively and negatively. However, participants struggled with guilt, shame, confusion, and pain. Reflecting on their shame, participants felt that their struggle and pain was not a necessary part of the process. They still did not accept that what the previous generations of privilege had done has now resulted in a problem they were unsure they wanted to solve. As a witness to their processing with reconciliation, I have the impression that the participants who engaged with the progression who they found their esteem in others' eyes, those participants appeared to have to negotiate with this Core Location with more anguish. Those participants who secured their actions, self-worth, and moral beliefs seemed to tolerate the intensity and uncertainty because they did not seem to be less affected by others' opinions. The Core Locale contains the stance of doing the right thing with a posture of performative contradictions or doublespeak and discovering personal privilege accompanied by the posture of self-preservation and commitment integration. These three constructs describe themes of overwhelmed, fear, and self-preservation from the categories of data from which they are A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 71 created. This section concludes with a summary of the Core Location. Doing the Right Thing The research questions echo the more extensive work supporting and educating Canadians and their commitments to act as witnesses to Canada's need for reconciliation. The participants started by acknowledging the situation. They were acutely aware of the influential and eternal legacy of colonialism and racism, which permeates Canadian society and the specific role that they might have had in creating and perpetuating this legacy. Indeed, the participants turn to the Canadian government, and the education system has been a tool for genocide through the residential school system. At the same time, they acknowledged that there was tremendous hope. They saw self-determination and resilience in themselves and Indigenous communities, combined with an increasing willingness in general from the participants as they acknowledged history and attempt to imagine moving forward in a better way. Each participant admits that they were learning and sometimes advocating, especially after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's findings and the guidance from the calls for action. However, knowing more about what we have done wrong does not determine that they know more about releasing, abolishing, disrupting colonial legacies. Even though there appears to be more guidance on what to do moving forward than ever before, the participants talk about Doing the Right Thing; however, in their actions, they recognize that if they start where they are then, the image of reconciliation becomes distorted and blurry. For some, this means working alone and together with indigenous Peoples, and for others, the response is a call to inaction and re-evaluation of their priorities. Once declaring what the right things to do could be, most of the participants then recalled their present circumstances and the structures or symbols of colonialism which they would have to overcome or topple and- A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 72 to-be whom they would encounter in their personal and professional lives. Although each participant sincerely believed in a decolonized, self-determined, authentically Indigenized Canada. At the same time, some participants reported that it is unfair to expect already marginalized people to shoulder the full burden of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples, educating the mainstream population, and creating social change, as is often the case. So having said that, my heart this there, like, but I don’t have much of, uh, like motivation, to be honest, like to spend my resources in initiating the steps of reconciliation (Participant F). It’s a bit overwhelming, okay, we are not talking about just one person, it’s like an entire population and it doesn’t mean I don’t. I mean other than you I can’t think of anyone else I know who’s talking about this (Participant B). That responsibility is I do not feel like is completely on me because I’m not white. Like if I was a white Canadian and my knowing, tracing back my ancestry (Participant C). The participants believed that it was vital to their professional and personal identities to facilitate settler legacies' un-learning. However, what emerged as action from thinking about doing the right thing resulted in the most significant obstacle they now faced: fear — the participants wanted to do the right thing regarding time and how much time was needed became a hurdle in this process. Still, they were afraid of creating more of a problem, of the actuality of imposing behaviour guilty of cultural appropriation, and of insulting or misleading Indigenous Peoples. The participants could not see their roles and responsibilities clearly in the reconciliatory process, and this resulted in actions that facilitated self-preservation and challenged their commitment to reconciliation. On the one hand there is a great part of it that’s scary, to acknowledge means to A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 73 acknowledge that there really was a tremendous. just shit that we did and that …[and] that’s the scary part, is that I really agree with this and acknowledge it then it means that the, how I’m living now in terms of apathetic in my actions at least that probably isn’t okay (Participant B). I feel as though I can’t. Almost like, I can’t call the shots right now um... because I’m not the one having to be reconciled. , and I don’t know if it is possible for me to reconcile something that I broke. Or that my people kind of broke. I don’t know (Participant B). “Cause it’s not so much an action like it’s not so much that you are talking as if t it’s, uh, I don’t know like it’s a job “oh I can do this” or it’s like “I can go to the grocery store”, like it’s a task .Um, but more complex than that, engaging with reconciliation it’s complex (Participant F). The process task of the Commitment Integration resulted in the process of developing relationships with Indigenous Peoples (IP), which were based upon valuing the distinctiveness of their culture. People who belonged to Indigenous groups were seen in limited proportions. Most participants could not recall interacting with IP based on their identity rather than based on preconceived stereotypes. I think what action would look like, um, like, like literally, I think it would just be listening, and learning, and allowing myself to be open to what the relationship will bring for me and the other person (Participant A). Right now, I’m seeing it as fake [the system] like it’s not authentic, …[and] I think even within like counseling psychology I forget what it was but the terms of reconciliation that the CCPA or whoever came up with that we looked over, …[that] there is an ounce of hope for me is that the kind of reviewed it and try to change so that they actually A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 74 implementing it (Participant F). The longer the participants stayed in the Core Local, the more the hurdle of time emerged. In a summary of Participant C’s experience, they reveal the tension of their social local, an exhausted student, parent, and society member who desires to participate in reconciliation—trapped in the way of thinking, this participant's ambivalence pattern and a pattern of action and inaction. Left them trapped in prison, and he goes back inside and holds the bar even though the door is wide open, and the researcher begs the question is he serving time or afraid to re-offend? however, “the time it takes to think about reconciliation. It is a zero sum and finite, another job that I can’t take on (Participant D). As the other participants deliberated some intended connections with people from Indigenous Canada, they identified themselves as students, neighbours, or counselling clients, they communicated about the desire to listen and hear the other's stories and perspectives and Doing the Right Thing. Acknowledging that committing their newfound views would be one of the ways that they would be able to see IP above any predetermined ideas and expectations that they hold. The posture or stance that emerged was the question of time. Summary of the Core Locale Few participants described perspectives that reflected the commitment to doing the right thing of the Core Locale; these participants shared a view of themselves that contemplates the complexities, considers assured actions, and is grounded in a constructive self-reflection of what doing the right Thing means to them. These participants' capacity to seek genuine relationships with IP appears to be part of this developing pathway. One could assume that there may be a dual benefit for the participants in developing the core locale because they create a deeper understanding of themselves and others like them. This could result in counsellors developing a A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 75 posture of commitment while facilitating compassion and considering the strategic actions against oppression. At this development level, the participants did not see themselves as holding all the information they would need. However, they were conscious of developing a strategy to continuously cultivate their ability to see themselves and their issues that indirectly provide sustenance to an oppressive society. Convergent Locale Participants in the Convergent Locale appear to have accepted the complexity of reconciliation and their responsibility to engage with IP. There is an understanding of their privilege and white privilege. These participants understand that they are developing competency in reconciliation and still have more to learn. Those in this locale reflected on their reconciliation role and did not feel helpless at the beginning of this journey. They wish to work counter to prejudice, but they lack the skills to achieve this. They realize the price of discussing reconciliation and have cracked the ‘source code.’ However, they are still developing skills to sustain a commitment to an oppressive identity and opposing reconciliatory actions. Their emerging awareness is combined with an individual experience instead of that of a collective encounter. Unfortunately, these participants usually did not discover support for the challenges they are experiencing within their community or society. The convergent locale begins with acknowledging the past and a transformative commitment of action to change their behaviour. These counselling psychology students do not relate to themselves from the first interview and cannot see themselves reflecting the transcripts, initial data analysis, and recorded interview. However, they acknowledge that developing a view of their past selves and the world is congruent with this newfound awareness. Their perspective of reconciliation with IP is absorbed by themselves as the one who is responsible for the change A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 76 required to confront privileged oppression within themselves and their social world. Compared to other participants who remain in the Core Locale, the Convergent Locale participants have committed to a primary task. Their mission is the momentous challenge of integrating their awareness of their own biases and prejudices and their commitment to developing relationships with IP. The Convergent Locale aligns with the ethnorelative stage of the DMIS. I compared and analyzed details of the participant’s discussions for differences and similarities, for reverberations within dialogue, for different topics with basic connections amongst one another. However, the constant comparative process fully began in the second interview because I could compare the initial underlying processes, confirm with the participants that this was their experience, and compare their first interview with their second interview. After I took notes and wrote memos, I began open coding again and started comparing the two interviews' elements and noting connections between them. This developing pathway that emerged consisted of the postures of colonizing and decolonizing. The Converging Locale summarizes the participants' experiences reflecting their developing pathways from the first interview experience and the second interview and how their worldview is developing concerning the performative process of developing self-awareness of the privilege and how it affects their responsibilities as counsellors and Canadians. The Converging Location section will include a combination of questions and answers from the second interview and summaries from some of the participants' statements. Question? How do you know that you can trust your mind to engage in this responsibly? Answer: I don’t, not the first time that I have thought of this, I have been defensive, and I don’t know that I can escape my mind. I am reflecting and want to be open and want to learn. Thinking about reconciliation now, feels open and in the past, it is more defensive, A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 77 not now though. I feel more knowing, a knowing is who I am and what I have, is part of the injustice of it… a mix of openness and fear. I am afraid of being exposed. Answer: When thinking... feeling open, punishment is part of peace, suffering is a part of peace and I have a deeper awareness of what I am and what I have (Participant B). Summary of Participant B’s Research Experience Being asked from the periphery as a participant for research, this participant was speaking about the paste and now for the first time was breaking the ice in the first interview, and they had no idea that being asked about reconciliation was shattering their belief of Canada to the surface. However, they have courage and permission from the first interview which has helped them to bring this up, and is grateful that we used this method to ask the same question many times, they had gained affirmation to bring it up, and really hear him out, this interview process is a true way for them to bring their fears and thoughts and begin the decolonization process. Summary of Participant C’s Experience Two things were happening for them as they acknowledged that the first interview sounded like it was from a long time ago, and they did not recall saying those things. Q. Where are you know, and how do you see your relationship with Indigenous Peoples? A. I don’t represent, I have more hope than I did in the first interview, I have seen heart changes [toward] in people of color being expressed their longing and desires to change and earn form their mistakes. I neglected that there is a genuine longing, rather than in the past I did not. Reconciliation is not just about white people and IP anymore but more about Canadians. I am in the Canadian line. Q. Has the first interview helped you to get to this point? A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 78 A. Yes, and I hear myself saying excuses it feels like so far from where I am now. Parallels with the BLM Movement, and they described their own fragility (as they had seen in white people when asked to engage in the black lives matter). I hear a young person who has not had a chance to figure out how to be involved, the emergence- that has happened sounds like apathy and now I feel more hope and courage, this has pushed me to take steps[of] courage to be wrong and try again. They overcame the fear, and their commitment to sustaining their role in reconciliation highlights the desire to change the world. The developing cultural competence stems from the recognition that their resistance against oppression is systematic versus the individual. In the deconstruction of colonization, the participants were able to consider engaging in genuine reconciliation and relationships, understanding the cultural component of social interactions. Summary of Participant E’s Experience Participants E used folklore, wisdom, and practice to describe the fear they had about reconciliation. They told us of the distinctive intentional violation of our laws that creates a sense of isolation for immigrants to Canada, so apparent to others and not to ourselves. This participant's journey parallels counselling psychology because empathy, as well-defined in the western context, explained as a fixed an individualistic explanation of human desires and reasons for seeking help; however, it leaves us divided in social contexts like Canada. For this participant, engaging in the reconciliation process included considering others, their cultures, past effects, and future actions. They addressed the threats and limitations of their culture, and their attempts to evaluate the fears and the dangers for me as a white woman researching reconciliation were apparent. Summary of the Convergent Locale A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 79 At the Convergent Locale, the participants could reflect on their naïve statements and consider the difficulties in dealing with other people's naive perspectives while earning an aptitude to work with unexperienced people. Participants who engaged in integrating their newfound cultural consciousness remained acutely aware of privilege and began creating a new skill set. The participants had to start learning how to tolerate those around them who have not developed this awareness or those who may not be motivated to emerge from the posture of reflecting their values into society. This locale resulted in a broadening of their cultural understanding and an ability to recognize others who had chosen to mirror what society prescribes they should do. One out the six participants remained secure in their social locale and preferred to consider their current social responsibilities rather than participate in reconciliation for this person. The act of deconstructing colonization was experienced as too intense, and the second interview became a process of stabilizing colonization and remaining fixed in the Social Locale. Summary Results This study gave rise to a grounded theory that defines the developmental pathways of self-awareness of privilege amongst student counsellors. The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse (PSRD) (see Figure 4), encompasses three developmental conversions. Unlike the DMIS (see Figure 1), the momentum in reconciliatory discourse is circular rather than linear. For each locale, there is a well-defined worldview necessary for the participant to maintain an equilibrium. In the Social Locale, the participants' struggle to integrate new understandings into their worldview and identity resulted in intense emotional reactions. The Core Locale is a place of contemplation where the stage of change begins to emerge. Participants contemplated the complexities of reconciliation and the constructive self-reflection of what participating in it A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 80 means. The Convergent Locale is an evolution from tolerating uncertainty in oneself to an awareness of others' lack of diversity and learning how to navigate this path. In the PSRD framework, complicity is theorised as a progression that transpires externally along the development pathways. Most participants struggled with new self-aware levels that included shame, guilt, and denial; however, not all participants interpreted this struggle as resistance toward understanding oppression and reconciliation. Most of the participants realized that participating in reconciliation was a possibility for them. They were surviving the threat of losing the legacy of privilege, whether from colonization (white man's burden) or oppression (epistemological privilege). The conscious and unconscious defending against acknowledging oppression in themselves or in society was a continuous option and not ever a crucial part of their development. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 81 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION This chapter is divided into three parts. I am beginning with a summary of the research and results. The discussion will focus on the current study's implications for the systemic boundaries, or the panopticon of individual and incommensurable worldviews that play a role in social reconciliation (Bell, 2014). The discussion will highlight the value of the PSRD Model. The conversation will give attention to the constructivist research and suggestions for further analysis based on the current study's data and implications for practice and theory. I will include a critique of the DMIS’s (Bennett, 2004) theory of developing cultural awareness. Finally, I will share my reflections on the current thesis and closing comments about this study's significance. Highlights of the Results The current research is a model for creating social awareness in Canada. The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse Model (PSRD) is comprised of three transitions: Social Locale, Core Locale, and Convergent Locale. Each locale includes developmental pathways that can also be described as knowledge objectives that appear to be necessary for the participants to stay or proceed into each transition. The participant's reflections revealed a continuous non-linear cyclical shaping of their conscious and unconscious experiences and personal meanings. The result is a model made up of a circuitous process of inner turmoil. Their inner world's struggles form experiential markers that highlight reconciliatory process in the current research project. The PSRD model is a resource that recognizes: the places in between these locales, the experiences of oppressive discourse that are symbolic of colonialism and oppression for minority and majority groups, for example, that the participant does not commit to a physical friend relationship with an Indigenous Person and instead is at the point of beginning or imagining relationship illustrates how far or close we are relationally with others in the process of A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 82 reconciliation. The transitions and developmental pathways of the PSRD are action-oriented ways to group the underlying process of how the participants’ engaged with external, internal, and converging processes. The categories function at the center of each participant's discourse with reconciliation and each category serves as a marker in the process of reconciliation. The pathways model (see Figure 4) from the results discussed in Chapter 4 (see Results), of the current research study described the complexities of engaging in societal reconciliation. There appear to be three ways to challenge colonial settler knowledges – giving voice or action to anticolonial systems. The challenging process is an integral part of the PSRD. The PSRD model highlights and formulates modes of discourse that shift from complicity within colonial structures to allyship. I have included a summary of the highlights in alphabetical order. A) Attack, shame, and other processes which trigger counterattacks, retreats to colonial resistance, and much more. An Indigenous perspective of these experiential markers could be described as xwelítem, which means trying to dominate, influence, and repress those who are painted as inferior in dominant cultural narratives. Xwelitem also means to plug into racist colonial narratives and stereotypes sometime consciously and unconsciously and this is evidenced by some of the minority groups in the current research process (Heaslip, 2017). B) curiosity – alignment with compassions behind the shame – recognizing & calling forth fundamental humanity, solidarity as aspiration and ‘better’ moments in colonial cultures. Two-Eyed-Seeing would interpret this pathway as transforming dominant worldview subjectivities situated within the broader vision of participating in co-resistance, reparations and restitution, C) two-eyed seeing & proactive allyship (recognized in the community of the participant) – we need one another. Allyship is the dynamic, consistent, and challenging practice of re-evaluating and A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 83 unlearning, resulting in meaningful relationships with Indigenous peoples. In the current study allyship is often silent and indirect because the momentum to make social change and disrupt oppressive structures begins in the communities of the participant and not in the participant establishing direct relationship with Indigenous Peoples. However, becoming a silent ally is a process inspired by the participants imagining relationship with Indigenous Peoples and this image occurs when the participant begins an intimate relationship with reconciliation. Within reconciliation, the discourse of each of the pathway’s move in and out of the locales. In each of the three places, one can hear the voices of privilege, frailty, silent allyship, and cultural stamina. Cultural stamina is a crucial part of the breaking out of cognitive prisons and liberating oneself from our places of privilege. This section of the current study will highlight the theory in reconciliation participation which results in not only complicity within colonial structures but also the propulsions toward reconciliation. To better illustrate the process included in the current research document is an illustration and synopsis for each locale. PSRD and Societal Reconciliation and Systemic Boundaries The PSRD is a valuable instrument to reveal how an ideal self is a reconciled identity characterized by a cognitive state that promotes internal harmony and maximizes potential even when it appears that the process can sometimes at the cost of relationship. Participating in reconciliation is a process consisting of discourse between expectations and external values (Social Locale), and inner values or desires (Core Locale). The ideal self is the identity element that grants an individual permission to be who they are, an image based on external values (Convergent Locale). However, the self's vision is required in reconciliation due to acknowledging personal values and imperfections. A problem in dealing with reconciliation is when shame intensifies. If the participant is in the Core Locale and discovers their privilege, the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 84 participant experience interpersonal tension that I refer to as a type of frailty due to their limited skills in reconciling themselves in relation to their legacy with Indigenous others. Their shame and tension reflect what some white people usually do when trying to maintain an equilibrium as they resist the task of facing themselves in relation to racist confrontations. Throughout their process each participant returns to their racial wellbeing, and they attempt to sustain their dominance within the racial pecking order (Champion, 2016, Di Angelo, 2018). Chakrabarty (2000) addressed such epistemological issues from the perspective of the impact of colonialism from a critical‐historical perspective. Another way of saying this is that the process highlights the social costs for persons engaging in reconciliation. If we used the current discourse of privilege and race to describe the process in the Social Locale, the experience is consistent with an experience of white fragility's unconscious processes (Chakrabarty, 2000). The participants cannot see their frailty in the Social Locale, and their blindness proves to be a threat so extreme that they chose not to confront their discrimination when they initially see it (Frey, 2020). In the Social Locale, the combination of experiential markers that exemplify a form of white solidarity, which informs the source code. What this means is that just like the when white people will refrain from correcting each other’s racial missteps to preserve the peace, the participants also persevere to maintain the status quo, and this makes genuine allyship elusive (Frey, 2020). The same white fragility that traps settlers in place also traps other minority groups into the unnatural social order and the result is a universal experiential marker that manifests itself as a form of solidarity frailty. The current thesis results are relational because they consider reconciliation through relationship with others and the world, like communities' social order. There is an interlocking and privilege phenomenon that is denied and protected for both the dominant culture and minority groups. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 85 This privilege phenomenon occurs when people believe that society is justified, and oppression is in the past because they either recognize that people of other cultures and backgrounds are different from their own or they do not. Positions of privilege are often interpreted as absolved and even eradicated to maintain social equitabilities (Champion, 2016). However, the current research acknowledges that privilege is a biased human thought process conceptualized as both a class of knowledge generated by experience from a position of advantage and disadvantage for both the marginalized and the dominant social authorities (Chimbganda 2015). Another way of saying this could mean that in the context of reconciliation, some minority groups, like those in the current study, can just like a settler become a prisoner in the Social Locale and in the social dynamics of privilege. The difference between the worldviews of the participants is that for minority groups they have to choose between helping themselves or Indigenous peoples. In the Social Locale, the experience for a white person is entirely different because it appears as if privilege refers to the benefits of oppression for whites from all minority groups. White privilege is an expression of power arising from receipt of benefits, rights, and immunities and is characterized by unearned gains and a sense of entitlement that results in both societal and material dominance by whites over people of colour (Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001). They see the legacy of privilege as a historical issue and believe that this legacy is a natural consequence of society's success and not their personal responsibility to deny it. Participant B reminds us of their place in the social locale concerning privilege, 4but at the same 4 This statement is highlighted in bold and italics because it is one of the many examples of violent discourse highlighted in the current study. This presentation of the discourse is different to APA. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 86 time, um, I’ve kind of just gone on living my life, and it doesn’t make any difference in terms of the choices I make or anything (Participant B). The imagined legacy of privilege in the Social Locale serves to prop up those in power, keep power in the same groups' hands, and do not recognize differences between groups. Persons in this status mostly talk about equal opportunity to remain in a position of dominance while denying that systems of domination exist. Marcia J. Anderson deftly captures this point as follows: “From now on instead of vulnerable people I'm going to use the phrase people we oppress through policy choices and discourses of racial inferiority, and it is a bit of a longer saying, but they believe that it will help us focus on where the problems lie (Anderson, 2017). The Social Locale of Epistemological Privilege reflects the locale of the minority groups in Canada’s social settings; however, it is essential to discuss the points of difference between epistemic authority and epistemic privilege in recognizing the epistemological right. Privileged people who hold epistemic authority bestow oppression through social practices and allege that their methods have their legitimating grounds in epistemic privilege (Janack, 1997). This claim's expected conclusion is that theories developed by members of dominant groups will first mirror those groups' interests and values. On the other hand, the current research project examines how minority groups like Participant C are subject to epistemic injustice. We can begin by establishing how social epistemology models, like colonization, create shared knowledge to highlight the role of social and political power in producing epistemic privilege, exclusion, and oppression. This message was clear in Participant C’s experience of reconciliation in the Core Locale. I can understand what it is like to be alienated and to feel like I’m looked upon differently, or I don’t fit in, or these judgments already about my character is or what my A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 87 personalist is, or Well, if I can speak proper English or whatever. .[and] so it’s like alienation or that white people won’t understand me is almost a judgment (Participant C). There are those seeking to exercise their epistemic privilege, like Participant C, who cannot do so because it is deemed unacceptable (Chimbganda 2015). Participant C’s judgment refers to the resounding echo of the cognitive prisoner who cannot understand the minority other. For Participant C, the experience defines epistemic privilege because this participant knows the oppressor better than they know themselves. The struggle becomes external and internal and in considering relationship with Indigenous Peoples they have to re-experience the violent discourse of their own oppressive Social locale. The Social Locale's dominant discourse highlights how some Canadians can speak superficially conflicting discourses—we are either all distinctive or identical—interchangeably (Di Angelo, 2011). Conveniently, both discourses effectively deny white privilege and the significance of race. However, being an individual or being a human outside of a racial group is a privilege rarely afforded to groups outside of white people in Canada. However, when nonwhite people view themselves outside of the race, then oppression and privilege become the white person's burden, which can be an unwelcome shock to the system (Di Angelo, 2011). Those who lead settlers in discussions of reconciliation may find the familiar discourse of selfdefence. White people who do notice the oppressive locations of others might refuse to acknowledge this socially. The result is a type of performative contradiction or split consciousness (Di Angelo, 2011). Di Angelo reminds us that the sequence of frequent flight from the uneasiness of true cultural assignation in a culture suffused with racial disparity confines the capacity to form authentic relations across ethnic ranks and the consequences are a continuous cycle whose workings grip racism and maintain its place ( Di Angelo, 2011) (see figure 5) A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 88 The Social Locale discourses distort the danger between settlers and others, resulting in a form of cultural frailty. Participant B shares, “I don’t, not the first time that I have thought of this, I have been defensive, and I don’t know that I can escape my white mind.” The subjective separations we understand as a race are given meaning and maintained. Using Foucault’s ideas of power and discipline, we can recognize ourselves as racial beings—something we are compelled to do within our society's structure. Ehlers (2012) argues that by making race visible in this way, it is possible to use it disciplinarily because race dictates what actions and beliefs are permissible for individuals along racial lines (Ehlers, 2012). Of course, the saga of ruthless, extensive, institutionalized, and ongoing hostility perpetrated by whites against others—slavery, genocide, forced sterilization and medical experimentation, to reference a few—becomes profoundly trivialized when settlers feel entitled to feel fragile. The unsafe and defensive engagement in the rare situation of talking about reconciliation with people of another culture, as this Participant B shares, “the time it takes to think about reconciliation. It is a zero sum and finite, another job that I can’t take on. In Figure 5 (See below), this outlook is unique to the participants’ culture of thinking, and their attitude about themselves, others, and reconciliation. They go into this process of experimenting with reconciliation that does not appear essential for moving into the next transition; however, the participant's priority becomes safety over instability resulting in cultural frailty. As Participant F explains, “I never really thought about my role in it. I thought about it more as, what is the government going to do to make up for how they treated Indigenous People’s and their ancestors?” The emotions associated with a threat to our identity establish conditions that lead to various forms of conflict. Identity-related conflicts are often intractable and characterized by high stalemates, inadequate responses, posturing, or one-sided resolution A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 89 expectations described as White Frailty (Mack, 2018). Figure 5 Social Locale Ironic observations from the current study reveal that if we push against someone, regardless of their culture who is caught up in colonial mentalities, their range of reactions can readily resist reconciliation, especially if we trigger shame and frailty. We can see this play out in the Core Locale when cultural stamina begins to emerge for the participants’ experiential marker of facing who they are. Other images that reflect this study are dedicated to pulling back the veil on these so-called whiteness mainstays, that form a safe structure for both settlers and non-settlers. The current research is a from of dismantling of the functions that ensure systemic A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 90 oppressive structures because it appears as if this way of thinking does have a role in the institution of colonization and the prevention of reconciliation. The cognitive prison of colonialism gives not only white but all citizens false confidence, which keeps us considering that it perpetuates prejudicial beliefs without our realizing it. At the core of who we are, to admit that we know that we have blind spots and unconscious investments in racism and oppression is the beginning of removing the veil and developing racial stamina and the beginning of imaginings of relationship with Indigenous others. As Participant (C) shares, “When thinking. feeling open, punishment is part of peace, suffering is a part of peace, and I have a deeper awareness of what I am and what I have”, and “ I hear a young person who has not had a chance to figure out how to be involved, the emergence- that has happened sounds like apathy and now I feel more hope and courage, this has pushed me to take steps courage to be wrong and try again.” The idea that one can free oneself entirely from bias is naïve. However, results from the current study reflect that experience in being asked to consider what reconciliation means and how one could participate in it can create curiosity, which causes an alignment with the shame's compassions – recognizing and calling forth fundamental humanity, solidarity as aspiration, and better moments in those in and impacted by colonial cultures. Participants accept the complexity of reconciliation and their responsibility to engage with IP. The participants acknowledge that even though they did not set up this system, it unfairly benefits them. Their developing self-awareness results in racial stamina, which recognizes that cognitive prisons reinforce colonial society compared to white frailty. In the Core Locale, cultural stamina comes into play when we acknowledge that we are responsible for interrupting privilege and working hard to change our role in this system (Di A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 91 Angelo, 2015). This is reflected in Participant E’s experience. I’m living now in terms of apathetic in my actions, at least that probably is not okay. It is the ability to sit in the discomfort, anxiety and guilt that arise when realizing that we are part of communities and institutions that perpetuate racist assumptions and patterns. Discussion about power and race can be challenging as evidenced by the experiences in the Core Locale (see Figure 6). The PSRD model is a useful marker to determine how we are doing the genuine work to acknowledge discrimination. The Core Locale highlights that the process required to support and advocate for better and equal outcomes for often marginalized communities can be even more challenging. White people are often the dominant cultural group in Canada's social context; yet we seldom experience racial discomfort, and therefore we rarely could develop cultural stamina. We can better understand the relationship between the pursuit of the ideal self and the intrapersonal conflict of reconciliation when we move the internal conflict process beyond impasses and identify common ground and aspirations. The transition from systemic boundaries to reconciliatory functions is a developing pathway for participants in the Converging Locale. These locale experiential markers are described as a broadening of cultural understanding and an ability to recognize and tolerate others who have chosen to mirror what society prescribes, they should do. The Convergent Local is the place where allyship is realised and not only considered even if it is a silent form of engaging with Indigenous Peoples. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 92 Figure 6 Core Locale The Convergent Locale (see Figure 7) highlights the practicalities of silent allyship and what it means. Allyship means judging resources within one’s control directly and professionally. The intention is to find ways to transfer resources into the people's pockets who are on the bottom, and as in the case of the current study, it is silent. The emphasis on the reallocation of material power encourages the privileged to critically reflect how far back one is prepared to move and share the space with other cultures. The participants in the convergent locale highlight the process of this struggle. The Convergent Locale is at the foreground when minority groups are considering reconciliation. As this passage explains, “I think of the community. That’ll be my first priority think if I were on my deathbed, and I know, oh, I had a big role in reconciliation for aboriginal people, but I did nothing for the community. I would feel horrible. Feel like I wasted my time (Participant E). When considering reconciliation, this A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS participant realizes their limitation. Figure 7 Convergent Locale In the Core and Convergent Locales, there is a challenge when considering direct allyship. The unconscious desire to become part of reconciliation is combined with the awareness to resist the urge to use allyship to advance one’s power and become a part of the social privilege problem all over again. The circular process of Core and Converging Locales becomes an assessment process of how to practice allyship. The Convergent Locale involves seeing critique as a gift, humbly admitting mistakes, and honouring the analysis as teaching to uncover oneself further entrenched assumptions. Practicing critical allyship views the illumination of privilege as liberating and consciously uses unearned privilege against itself; however, for most of these participants in the convergent locale, they are challenged to tolerate others who are not aware of their privilege (Nixon, 2019). 93 A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 94 From the outset, the TRC commission has stressed that reconciliation is not a one-time event; it is a multi-generational journey that involves all Canadians (TRC, 2015). For reconciliation to occur holistically, both material and symbolic change are needed. Politics is more than a culmination of material factors; the importance of these indigenous communities in receiving an official apology demonstrates how symbolic gestures are integral to any human society (Wolfe, 2006. As emphasized in the current research, both material and symbolic change are needed for reconciliation to occur holistically. A political apology has provided for the latter, and the next step for these governments is to ensure the former (Wolfe, 2006. Reconciliation is a more viable response than decolonization to settler-colonial ills because its normative importance rests in its transformation of social relations between settlers and indigenous communities. This outcome is necessary because we all continue to occupy the same political space and share a similar national identity (Wolf, 2006). The results of the current study highlight some of the pathways of reconciliatory discourse. The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse (PSRD) (see Results section,) identifies the reconciliatory process at an interpersonal and intrapersonal level. Some of the current study results reveal that Canadians, like me, can sometimes conceptualize reconciliation as a threat to their ethnic community and identity. Some think if they focus on reconciliation, it will endanger their own community’s needs. Some feel torn between their own culture and reconciliation with indigenous peoples. The results reveal the most challenging societal reconciliation elements, the required shift from thinking of 'them and us' to 'us and us' and the emotional change to deal with effectively harsh realities. Researching a previously undiscovered part of the underlying reconciliation process highlights how an identity threat can influence inner harmony, behaviour, and decision-making while negatively affecting our interpersonal A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 95 relationships. The emotions associated with identity crisis establish the conditions that lead to various forms of conflict. Identity-related conflicts in reconciliation are often intractable and characterized by important levels of stalemates, inadequate responses, posturing, or one-sided resolution expectations (Mayton, 2014). As an exercise in what they have called critical hope, the current study also shares an account of settler witness that seeks to avoid the politics of recognition and the pitfalls of colonial empathy (Craft & Regan, 2020). Witnessing reaches beyond ourselves through affective learning and responsiveness to the other's agency and selfdetermination (Nagy, 2020). When we think of Indigenous storytelling, a witness expects to sit with the words and unwrap the layers of what is said and not said (Qwul'sih'yah'maht, 2015, p. 192). However, meaning-making for settlers requires “working-through whatever we might find threatening in relations to otherness and difference” (Oliver 20015, p. 10). Korteweg and Root clarify that we should become “accountable for neo-colonialism by working through the affective impediments that can besiege settler decolonial learning” (Korteweg & Root, 2016, p. 190). Reconciliation will not occur overnight. It has taken me decades to feel confidents and comfortable to call myself a settler. This kind of process is an example of the sorts of emotional blockages that Korteweg and Root talk about that keep us trapped in the way of thinking, which avoids complicity, benefit, and responsibility (Nagy, 2020). However, without turning to the unsettling process, without acknowledging the term “settler” (i.e., on this Indigenous land that we call Canada), it is hard to get to the issue of land deprivation and compensation (Nagy, 2020). In the literature review of the current research project this author argued that how we think about reconciliation results from colonial legacy. I will briefly summarize this point in this section. The systemic development as part of the source code or function of the self-organizing A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 96 Canadian system reinforces and sustains dominant patterns, making it difficult to manipulate and change its direction. One can argue that institutionalized frameworks endorse Native peoples and their lands. Evidence that gives rise to specific modes of feeling, reciprocally, productive formations among non-Natives normalize settler presence, privilege, and power (Mackey, 2014). Even though the Indian Act does not function at the intrapersonal or interpersonal level, it performs at the institution level. People in Canada note that the system continues to take Indigenous people to court over their assertion of their civil liberties and title (Regan, 2011). Like the participants in the current study, people in Canada note that the concept of reconciliation is unclear (Craft & Regan, 2020). More importantly, Indigenous people have won more than two hundred and fifty Canadian court cases regarding their land and hardly received most of it back (Macklem & Sanderson, 2016). Some also claim that the present-day system sums up a skewed power distribution. Indigenous and non-Indigenous people do not come at the table as partners but have, and have-nots and reconciliation attempts are regarded as performative rather than authentic. The truth commission has become the leading site, in Stan Cohen's words, “for the symbolic recognition of what is already known but was officially denied” (Cohen, 2001 p. 13). Compared with other truth commissions globally, Canada’s TRC is unique (Nagy, 2020). There no government change and no post-conflict and, and Indigenous peoples include just 6.2% of the Canadian population (Statistics Canada, 2017). However, the TRC might be considered a transitional justice mechanism because, as this research, it intends to move Canada toward more just relations (Balint et al. 2014). The TRC presents the most crucial institutional location of the broad-based psycho-therapeutic claims about denial, recognition, healing, and reconciliation (Moon, 2009). Like, The Pathways of Social Reconciliatory Discourse (PSRD) is a valuable A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 97 model. By no means is it perfect. However, it could catalyze the ongoing unsettling of colonial beliefs and attitudes when we re-storying the underlying process of the Indian Act in the process of reconciliation. The PSRD can help illustrate the process between Indigenous Peoples and Canada's system for settlers. The rationale for using the PSRD for the abovementioned purpose in this section of the study highlights what Sheryl Lightfoot (2016) described as the soft rights to Indigenous culture, however, not the hard rights (land, resources) to Indigenous self-determination. This observation aligns with the general criticism that cultural recognition's politics divert our attention from socioeconomic reallocation (Fraser, 2000). Nagy (2020) reminds us of denying the importance of rights to culture, particularly in cultural genocide. However, cultural recognition occurs within the parameters of settler colonialism (Nagy, 2020). There is a general failure to acknowledge the physical and political repercussions of recognizing Indigenous rights to culture (Nagy, 2020). Participant B describes this dilemma, “I don’t know that [engaging in reconciliation] will change that much in terms of my day-to-day life. I think it would be more about the acquisition of knowledge …[and] you know where I live now like that was actually someone else’s land that we kind of took, you know, pushed someone out-out or relegated them to this kind of reservation” (Participant C). The current research study witnessed settler processing and the discourse that disaffirms Indigenous sovereignty and futurity, such as the land question (Rifkin 2017). The present thesis results inform colonial recognition or settler visions of reconciliation that stop short of dismantling colonial structures and returning Indigenous land (Dene scholars Coulthard, Alfred, 2014). 2014). In contrast, other settler forms witness an open door to the cognitive prison and decolonizing change begins. The PSRD is the door into this conversation. Various scholars have attempted to conceptualize cultural differences and the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 98 development of practical theories in intercultural interaction. Notably, the definition and related qualities of intercultural competence have been discussed enthusiastically amongst intercultural communication theorists (Cornes, 2004; Chen & Starosta, 2003). The current study highlights the complexity of experimenting with reconciliation, as evidenced by the overlapping unsettled and settled interpretations of the participants' strain. On the surface, the process reflects a shifting likeness of oneself during the various stages of acculturation. However, unlike the acculturation model, the experience for most of the participants is not sequential. Developing pathways overlap are overlapping and circular and dynamic way. At contrasting times, a person could be in one, two, or all three locales at once. The PSRD model is a framework that can encourage personal discussion and provide much-needed support as emerging adult counselling students navigate the choppy waters of reconciliation. Many quantitative researchers would be attracted to developing a self-report measure to use in research on intercultural competence. I would suggest that the theory be further developed and investigated as a flexible model preventing the theory's premature encapsulation. Further research into the PSRD model should be conducted first through qualitative means. One approach that could help explore the theory further would be conducting a study with an observational component in data collection. The current study is grounded on student counsellors' self-understanding of the meaning and participation in reconciliation and the researcher's analysis of this self-understanding—an illustration of an experimental component in the study of the developmental processes would be to create small groups in which participants discuss their emerging consciousness of privilege (MacDonald, 2007). The PSRD's development leads to suggestions for improving multicultural training effectiveness in education and counselling psychology programs via the experiential components of imagining oneself engaging A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 99 with reconciliation and learning about colonialism's legacy. We cannot have one without the other in developing societal reconciliation. Participant-observers could investigate the group members’ responses and interactions and conduct individual collateral interviews. This approach could provide similar data to the current study data, but data could incorporate both the participants' self-understandings and observations of their interactions in a social situation. A significantly different question raised by this study is how counsellors come to an understanding of whiteness that enables effective integration of Two-Eyed Seeing not only in reconciliation by in how they function with clients from diverse backgrounds. This question emerges out of my motivation for completing this study and the interest to explore more. Throughout the current study, the unconscious question emerges, “What should we change in ourselves to grow into to the possibility of honourable, considerate, authentic relations with Indigenous peoples and Indigenous lands?” (Heaslip, 2017). Engaging in the thesis project allowed me to reflect on how these students realize their journey. I am a person who from the initial stages of my adult development is aware of oppression as a structure in society. The process is not a linear path; instead, the complexity of understanding the battles and strains of not only ourselves, but of the other’s who come into this awareness is, albeit essential for cultural development as Canadians, it is also challenging. To make sense of this phenomenon, one needs to be asked about what reconciliation means to them personally and how one sees themselves participating in it. In other words, when participants were asked about reconciliation and began the process of imagining participating in it, only then did they begin to engage with the consequences of relationships with Indigenous Peoples and reconciliation. Just talking about what we should do is not the same thing as personally engaging with reconciliation. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 100 An essential component of the current thesis is the importance of giving equal consideration to diverse Indigenous and non-Indigenous worldviews in a way that one worldview does not govern or demoralize the impact of others; and how stable deliberation of the offerings from diverse worldviews, embraced within a two-eyed seeing framework, can reform the nature of the enquiries we ask in the realm of exploring reconciliation (Martin, 2012). The Metamorphosis of white settler subjectivities is in each location within the broader vision of participating in bringing about justice and harmony, which indirectly encompasses supporting the resurgence of Indigenous people's self-determination (Heaslip, 2017). It appears as if the underlying processes of intercultural interactions and the related forms of phenomena do not necessarily cultivate intercultural sensitivity or competence. The essential learning processes of intercultural sensitivity development depended on how one interprets cultural differences and similarities and reflects their interpretation in other contexts like the Social Locale, Core Locale and Convergent Locale. System and Reconciliatory Functions The current study created a powerful opportunity for participants to disrupt Indigenous racism by engaging with their processes in a delineated way. Participating in one or more locales simultaneously, the present research lined up the chance to develop cultural stamina events and challenge and attend the practice of cultural resilience with an open mind and accepting any discomfort. The PSRD is a helpful resource in developing cultural resilience and cultivating new engagement techniques, which is essential because we cannot discount the value of cultural resilience in the counselling psychology profession. Just like traditional healing activities are sometimes alternatives and supplements to healing services as professionally defined in Canada, the PSRD can become part of or as practices for counsellors, educators, organizations, and A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 101 possibly Indigenous healers. The pathways model is complementary to the TRC’s Calls for Action because the current research is a direct response to The TRC calls for action, and this research project is a direct response to Call 63: Building student capacity for intercultural, understanding, empathy, and mutual respect toward Indigenous Peoples in Canada (TRC, 2015). The current research should provide integrative and collaborative care in the reconciliatory process for of us located in the system of Canada. The ideas presented in this document about privilege and oppression are not new; they have been articulated, advanced, and argued for decades, mainly by marginalized groups to individuals in privileged locations who have not been prepared or inclined to listen. The current research seeks to translate the participants' feedback in a new way for future generations to function in Canada. Bringing the impact closer to Counselling Psychology, the successful uptake of this document's ideas must be understood as inextricably linked to my position as someone who is studying counselling psychology and who takes the report from a task force of the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA) and the Psychology Foundation of Canada (PFAC) seriously. We are reminded that the report concluded that the profession of psychology, in its interaction with Indigenous Peoples in Canada, has contravened its own code of ethics (CPA, 2018). The potential impact on practitioners Canada-wide and beyond emphasized the importance of attending culturally directed and generationally bound communication patterns. The PSRD Model is a resource for counsellors to use for themselves and their clients as we continue the process of reconciliation. Identifying our own and each generation's communication styles can guide which types of traditional healing practices to consider incorporating with counselling (Nayar & Sandhu, 2006). A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 102 Western mental health professionals [can] adopt an alternate social constructionist view of reality and mental health when employed by clients from dissimilar cultural backgrounds that allow for located and local truths about mental health that can differ from dominant claims to universal truth (Currie & Bedi, 2016, p. 3). This participant exemplifies an example of rethinking knowledge, “I think what action would look like, um, like, like literally, I think it would just be listening, and learning, and allowing myself to be open to what the relationship is.” (Participant F) This Two-Eyed Seeing approach described by the participant respectfully brings together our different ways of knowing to motivate cross-cultural relationships (Broadhead & Howard, 2021). Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal alike are called to use all our understandings to leave the world a better place (Bartlett et al., 2012). One of the primary objectives of the current research is to realize that there is discourse around reconciliation that may not be as obvious to us. Another objective for the current study is to highlight violent and ineffective discourse between us. I am confident that the PSRD Model can be a useful tool to generate the action and the sustaining momentum required to achieve meaningful participation in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples of Canada. The current thesis establishes empirically supported and accessible ways to engage in Indigenous reconciliation to improve cross-cultural relationships within Canada. The current document is a response to the lack of literature available regarding the underlying process of reconciliation and the possible threats and limitations of cultural insensitivity and ethnocentrism between Indigenous Peoples and Non–Indigenous People. Although Two-Eyed Seeing is not easy to convey to academics because it does not fit into any subject area or discipline. However, it is about life's internal processes around the kind of responsibilities you have and how you should live while on Earth, i.e., a guiding principle A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 103 covering all aspects of our lives: social, economic, environmental, etc. (Broadhead & Howard, 2021). The advantage of Two-Eyed Seeing is that we are always fine-tuning our mind to different places at once and we are always looking for another perspective and a better way of doing thing.” (Bartlett et al., 2012). Just like the current study participants who seek balance in each locale and when they do not find it each of them attempts to move between locales to gain an equilibrium. The PSRD Model is a useful resource to mark our experience on the journey. Societal reconciliation includes allyship and intersectionality across multiple aspects of power systems. The purpose of critical allyship is to change individuals' behaviour and fundamentally shift the institutional arrangements that keep people up or down (Nixon, 2019). Walking backwards entails offering both symbolic and substantial power, which the participants do when they imagine the relationships with IP and step back into their social locale and attempt to dismantle oppressive structures. This type of momentum is an indirect attempt to create a relationship with IP from a distance. This form of silent allyship can also be described as when persons on the top of the coin can make simple changes immediately, such as conveying a paid speaking invitation to, or opting to hire, a person on the flip side (Nixon, 2019). The Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) A helpful model to explain cognitive development and predict reactions related to cultural sensitivity is Bennett’s model. Milton Bennett (1986, 2004; see Figure 1) designed a straightforward intercultural sensitivity model called the Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS). The Intercultural Communication Institute director, Milton Bennett (1986), claims that people’s natural reaction to contact with people with different cultural backgrounds is to avoid, convert, or kill (Bennett, 1986). Zinn (2005) uncovered the twisted American history centred on the perspective of White-American Anglo Saxon (WASP), and he illustrated the A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 104 legacy of oppression from oppressed people’s attitudes (Zinn, 2005). The reframe on cultural sensitivity highlights the intuitive thinking processes that are implanted in our frames of reference, and it endorses Bennett’s (1986) notion that “intercultural sensitivity is not natural” (Bennett, 1986, p. 27). Therefore, this problem is essential in everyday social interactions with those who have culturally different backgrounds. This model is based on cognitive psychological, phenomenological, and constructivist perspectives. The main goal of DMIS is to explain an individual’s intercultural sensitivity levels related to his/her worldview formation concerning cultural differences. The model is reinforced by the theory that “as one’s experience of cultural difference becomes more sophisticated, one’s competence in intercultural relations potentially increases” (Bennett, 1986, p. 12). Bennett suggests that cultural sensitivity appears to be associated with a person's subjective intercultural experience and intercultural competence. More importantly, the DMIS could recognize appropriate approaches to training and developing intercultural sensitivity and competence. I have summarized Bennett's (2004) justification for the theoretical frameworks of the six stages of DMIS in this section. The more ethnocentric orientations can be witnessed as averting cultural difference, either by refuting its existence, raising defences against it, or minimizing its importance. The more ethnorelative worldviews are ways of seeking cultural difference, either by accepting its importance, adapting viewpoints to consider, or incorporating the whole concept into a classification of identity (Bennett, 2004). The stages of DMIS have their strengths and weaknesses in communicating with culturally dissimilar others (Bennett & Hammer, 1986). It is significant to communicate that there are no negative implications for ethnocentric and ethnorelative stages because a lack of intercultural experience, including discrimination, prejudice, and racism, stereotypically results A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 105 in the inability or rejection of the ability to distinguish cultural differences in complex ways. The denial stage includes those who cannot concede any cultural difference or engage stereotypes to conceal an absence of intercultural exchanges. Some of the reasons that result in limited contact with people with distinct cultural backgrounds are physical isolation or separation. The ethnocentric stage describes a defense stage, where cultural differences are perceived; however, they have been processed negatively. An example of this stage is when people reap the benefits of their own culture's superiority while denigrating other cultures. Reversal is another characteristic of the defense stage; reversal plays out when people perceive another culture as superior to their own culture. The end of the ethnocentric stage is the minimization or a melting pot ideology. People in this stage attempt to explain others' culture from similar beliefs existing within their cultural boundaries, resulting in a depreciation of cultural or physical differences. It might be better to consider this stage as a transitional period from ethnocentrism to ethnorelativism. Although this stage is still ethnocentric, it is transitional because an emphasis on similarity may include dissimilar others, and at this point, their worldview is continuously self-centered. Strengths and Limitations of the DMIS The DMIS may predict the potential of cross-cultural adaptation in reconciliation in a linear pattern. The stages of the DMIS appear straightforward because it becomes easier to comprehend the different cognitive strengths and weaknesses concerning cultural differences people have. With the introduction of the concepts of the DMIS, those of us participating in reconciliation may increase our self-awareness. In her research on American expatriates' intercultural sensitivity in Kuwait, Turner (1991) identified several administrative problems of the DMIS. The first problem was the unclear definition of stages and their theoretical A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 106 differentiation, and the second was the unclear strategy for determining in which stage personal belonged (Turner, 1991). Kashima's results highlight that significant cognitive and behavioural transformations happened to the participants in each of the shifts between difference and similarity; however, whether the six phenomena develop one’s intercultural sensitivity or not was associated with their cognitive shifts (Kashima, 2006). Turner highlighted a problem with the expatriates’ statements of cultural differences, including several stages and skipped stages inbetween. Other researchers encountered problems identifying the participant’s principal orientation within Bennett's stages (Straffon, 2003). However, Paige (1986) assessed the DMIS as an “extremely sophisticated” model, but this was forty years ago. Strengths of the Current Study The integrity of the current study is to be evaluated by the reader. I determine that the current thesis results are plausible and offer explanations for some Canadians' struggles. The current thesis reported outcomes that assume that some non-Indigenous emerging adults do not know what meaningful reconciliation means. The research method illuminated that the nature of our experiences is not often transparent. Charmaz proposes that originality is another criterion for evaluating a constructivist grounded theory (Charmaz, 2008). The current study provides a novel model for understanding the development of reconciliatory social discourse pathways for counsellors. The results reveal shared conditions and similarities among research participants. The model also has a decent amount of complexity to integrate the participants' stories at various awareness levels. Although there was significant diversity among the participants' individual stories, all their experiences are congruent with the developed model. In the results and discussion, I proposed the cognitive prison. The participant's cognitive balance was always dynamic, and the movement between similarities and differences personified A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 107 a place of stuckness or trappedness. These conditions can inform their lack of understanding of meaningful reconciliation. Shared conditions of this kind may well take the form of situational eventualities, including the unique context of cognitive prisons of settler mentality, mental maturity limitations, and the impact of intended and unintended consequences of not knowing what reconciliation means. Shared conditions previously mentioned include two responsibilities. The first is for Canadians to discover new ways of thinking. The second is the awareness that we must stand next to Indigenous people and ensure that reconciliation happens according to their rights. This study isolates a deficit in the systemic pathways of development, the promotion of allyship and the impact of a lack thereof in Canada's reconciliatory discourse. Limitations of the Current Study The study relies on the exploration of the subjective experience of participants. However, the research method's exploratory nature may limit the researcher's ability to recruit participants who can consider the process of reconciliation on a deeper level. The students who volunteered for the study were all people who imagined themselves as motivated to be part of the reconciliation. The model developed within the study and the current research is limited because they are based on students' experiences who were initially motivated to engage in the reconciliation. There were no volunteers for the study who were indifferent to the TRC and reconciliatory frameworks, and there was no aversion to cultural competency and cultural sensitivity. On the other end of the spectrum, a small portion of the participants expressed themselves in ways consistent with the sustain the source code or stabilizing colonization. Some of these participants held this stance before beginning the research process, and others developed a posture during their participation in the study. Due to fewer participants speaking from the source code and stabilizing colonization, a lesser amount of that posture is thickly described A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 108 versus other postures. The current research suggests that psychological maturation and ego development are relevant for an individual's meaningful engagement in reconciliation. This study's limitation arises because participants may not have sufficient cognitive ability or depths of personal awareness to participate in the study. Another potential end of this study is that the outcome might not be utilized in future discussions and platforms related to Canada's social patterns surrounding reconciliation. The intended participants are counselling psychology university students, which presents a possible limitation because the study results' applicability may not extend to all emerging adults in Canada. Significance of this Study and Directions for Future Research This thesis project elucidated the underlying processes that may hinder the eye-opening and revealing process of reconciling beliefs and biases for all parties involved in reconciliation. The research's current perspective can help anyone engaged in cultural competency training. However, white people and minority groups can benefit the most from an awareness of the internal and external struggle's circular dynamics. The PSRD model was developed from the raw data of interviews with participants. The current thesis generated a coherent model that is grounded in the data. The result of the data analysis is a conditional matrix with logical consistency. Each part of the PSRD has a logical fit with the other parts of the model. Also, the model is easy to describe. Numerous facets of these interviews lead to the richness of the study. The participants in this study were candid and forthright in discussing their experiences. The richness of the interviews deeply inspired the strength of the PSRD model that was developed. The participants were willing to take risks in the interviews and share their authentic experiences. The participants engaged with the topic personally because of their desire to improve relationships A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 109 with Indigenous Peoples. The current research is a timely response to the TRC of Canada's invitation to participate in reconciliation because this research explores ways that psychological maturation and ego development may shape an individual’s meaningful engagement in reconciliation. Therefore, the results aim to become an integral part of the ongoing conversation about reconciliation between non-indigenous and Indigenous Peoples of Canada. The current study contributes to psychology because it examines a previously undiscovered part of reconciliation's underlying process. This project's research and dissemination implications are that this study will offer a new low-level theory from which future research directions can be proposed to help guide impending research. Conclusion For many of the current study participants, their struggle represented an endeavouring toward development and growth. However, they also confronted an ever-present temptation to struggle against developing new awareness and retreat into maintaining a posture of the status quo. The Pathways Model is a helpful resource for us to use at an interpersonal and intrapersonal dynamic. The model promotes Two-Eyed seeing, which can assist Indigenous Peoples, Canadians, and counsellors in developing authentic reconciliatory discourses and strengthening cultural resilience. We need to provide people with opportunities to progress through the three locales identified in this study. Educators could also become more aware of Canadians' needs to feel they have a safe space in which they have the freedom to take risks and discuss concerns that may include current attitudes and assumptions related to privilege. 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A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 130 APPENDIX A Recruitment Poster PARTICIPANTS NEEDED FOR RESEARCH of RECONCILIATION We are looking for volunteers to take part in a study of: WAYS to discuss what RECONCILIATION WITH INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF CANADA mean to you. As a participant in this study, you would be a Canadian citizen. You are asked to complete audio recorded interviews. Participation in the interviews is anonymous and entirely voluntary. The process includes 2 interviews of 1.5 hours, including a pre-screening interview and 2 recorded interview sessions. By participating in this study, you will help us to gain more knowledge about how nonIndigenous Canadian students engage in the discussion of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples of Canada. To learn more about this study, or to participate in this study, please contact: Principal Investigator: Nicole Kruger at krugernicky@hotmail.com This study is supervised by: Dr.MarvinMcDonald@twu.ca. This study has been reviewed by the Trinity Western University Research Ethics Board November, 2019. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 131 APPENDIX B Pre-screening interview questions 1. When did you have the opportunity to engage with an Indigenous Person in Canada? 2. Would you be comfortable to discuss your experience with me because I am conducting a research study on the underlying process of reconciliation between non - Indigenous and Indigenous Peoples of Canada? A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 132 APPENDIX C Interview Questions The research question is an inductive method of enquiry (Strauss & Corbin, 2015). Undergraduate Non-Indigenous emerging adult students will respond to two questions: 1. How do emerging adult non-Indigenous students engage in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada today?” 2. What does reconciliation mean to you? A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 133 APPENDIX D Transcription Form Confidentiality Agreement This form may be used for individuals hired to conduct specific research tasks, e.g., recording or editing image or sound data, transcribing, interpreting, translating, entering data, destroying data. CPSY Thesis Project I, __________________________________, am a transcriber. I agree to 1. Keep all the research information shared with me confidential by not discussing or sharing the research information in any form or format (e.g., USB sticks, printed material, transcripts) with anyone other than Nicole Kruger. 2. keep all research information in any form or format (e.g., USB sticks, printed material, transcripts) secure while it is in my possession. 3. return all research information in any form or format (e.g., USB sticks, printed material, transcripts) to Nicole Kruger when I have completed the research tasks. 4. after consulting with Nicole Kruger, erase or destroy all research information in any form or format regarding this research project that is not returnable to the Researcher (e.g., information stored on computer hard drive). 5. other (specify). A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 134 Researcher(s) ___________________________ ________________________ ______________ (Print Name) (Date) (Signature) ___________________________ ________________________ ______________ (Print Name) (Date) (Signature) A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 135 APPENDIX E Informed Consent Page 1 of 4 REB approval Date: November 2019 FACULTY OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCE Master of Counselling Psychology a Thesis Research Project Freeing Canada from the Cognitive Prison of Colonialism. Principal Investigator: Nicole Kruger Telephone: c/o (604)220-9484 Email: Nicole.Kruger@mytwu.ca c/o mcdonald@twu.ca Purpose. You are invited to participate in a research study being conducted by a graduate student at Trinity Western University. This study examines how non-indigenous Canadian university students engage in reconciliation with Indigenous People to determine what the underlying process of reconciliation can reveal about the possible threats and the possible benefits for non-Indigenous students. Procedures. Your task is to complete two audio recorded interviews in two stages consisting of approximately one hour each. In the two sessions we will ask you about reconciliation and Indigenous Peoples in Canada. At the beginning of the interview, you will be asked to sign a consent form and then you will be asked two open-ended questions, as well. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 136 Page 2 of 4 Potential risks and discomforts. There are foreseeable risks to this study, when research participants are asked challenging questions about reconciliation, they may experience discomfort, anxiety, or embarrassment. If any distress or discomfort emerges during the interview, the interviewer is trained in providing support and encouragement. A list of counselors will be available for you to access if additional support is required. You can leave the study at any time. It is not uncommon that many people engage in these kinds of discussions are uncomfortable, but they find it worthwhile. Also, it is anticipated that you may gain further insight into your personal perspectives on how experiences of reconciliation affect you. If any risks should arise please let the researcher know and a list of counsellors can be provided to you. If you should experience any adverse effects, a list of counselors will be provided to you. Please contact the supervisor Marvin McDonald, mcdonald@twu.ca, immediately. Potential benefits to participants and/or to society. Completing this audio recorded interview will also provide you with an opportunity to see firsthand what it is like to be a participant in Psychology research, but there are no other direct benefits to participants. This research can potentially contribute to the advancement of our understanding of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada. The information you provide may be presented at professional conferences or published in academic journals. Confidentiality. All your responses will be completely confidential. Your anonymity will be protected, and any identifying information will not be associated with your responses. Only these researchers working on this project will have access to the information that you provide. The primary investigator will store any electronic data on a password-protected computer for a minimum of 1 year. Data may be stored anonymously for future use. The data analyses will be conducted with group data only, not individual responses. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 137 Page 3 of 4 Contact for concerns about the rights of research participants. If you have any concerns about your treatment or rights as a research participant, you may contact Elizabeth Kreiter in the Office of Research, Trinity Western University at 604-513-2142 or elizabeth.kreiter@twu.ca. Consent. Your participation in this study is entirely voluntary and you may refuse to participate or withdraw from the study at any time without jeopardy to your access to services from Trinity Western University or your status as a student. If you choose to participate, you may skip any questions you do not wish to answer. If you decide not to participate in the study or choose to withdraw from this study, you will be treated with respect, no questions will be asked, and your data will not be used in the analyses. Please note that it will not be possible to withdraw your data from the study following completion of the session today. This is because your data will be stored separately from any identifying information. Contact information. If you have any questions or desire further information with respect to this study, you may contact Nicole Kruger, (604-220-9484) or our instructor, Dr. Marvin Macdonald of Trinity Western University at (604) 513-2121 ext.2034 mcdonald@twu.ca. Consent. By signing below, it indicates that you have had your questions about the study answered to your satisfaction. By signing next to “I consent” you are indicating that you consent to participate in this study and that your responses may be put in anonymous form and kept for further use after the completion of this retain the copy of your consent form from the researcher as a copy for your own records. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 138 Page 4 of 4 Name: Date: I consent: Researchers signature: Date: A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 139 APPENDIX F Debrief Form Page 1 of 3 The purpose and background of this research study In this study you were asked to describe how you engage in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples of Canada.The purpose of this study was to assess how the process of engaging in reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples of Canada unfold. Prior studies have shown that what is common to all reconciliation is the psychological change within the relevant group norms, values, and beliefs, defining both “who we are” and how we relate to each other (Nagy 2017). Reconciliation influences the related fears, hopes, and goals of individuals and communities involved in terms of affectivity and interdependence (Loevinger & Wessler, 1970). The time of change in reconciliation is a period of consciousness from which a person must become more tolerant of himself and others, and the individual differences and unique complexities of role identities in specific circumstances (Arnett, 2000). In the current study, we used semi-structured interviews to ask you how you engaged in reconciliation. By using qualitative questions this gives you the opportunity to share more about the study topic in your own words. We analyze qualitative in a way that finds the common themes across many people’s stories. Please inform us right away if you would like to withdraw your data from the study (i.e., the information that you provide will not be used in the analysis). Because your name will be stored separately from your data, it will not be possible to withdraw your data from the study A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 140 Page 1 of 3 after you leave the session today. Thanks very much for participating. Without the help of people like you, we couldn't answer most important scientific questions in psychology. You've been a great help. Do you have any questions that I can answer right now? If you have any questions, later on, about the study, or if you would like a copy of the (group level) study findings, contact Nicole Kruger (student researcher serving as study contact) or Dr Marvin McDonald mcdonald@twu.ca; 604 513 2121 ext. 2034) in the Department of Psychology. If you have questions about your research participation, please contact the Research Participation Coordinator at PsychResearch@twu.ca. Finally, please don't tell other people about what we had you do here because other students you know may participate in this study. A STUDY OF RECONCILIATION FOR GRADUATE COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS 141 Page 3 of 3 References Nagy, R. (2017). Can Reconciliation Be Compelled? Transnational Advocacy and the Indigenous-Canada Relationship. Peace & Change, 42(3), 313–341. Loevinger, J., & Wessler, R. (1970). Measuring Ego Development (Vol. 1). San Francisco: CA, Jossey-Bass. Arnett, J. J. (2000). Emerging adulthood: A theory of development from the late teens through the twenties. American Psychologist, 55(5): 469–480.