THE DETERMINER IN MAKARY KOTOKO NARRATIVE DISCOURSE: ATTENTION GUIDANCE AND SALIENCE by HANNAH OLNEY B.S. Mathematics, Grove City College, 2012 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS in the FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES TRINITY WESTERN UNIVERSITY April 2021 © Hannah Olney, 2021 i Abstract The Makary Kotoko [Chadic] determiner is not a grammatically obligatory marker. Although constrained by the identifiability of the referent, speakers are not required to use the determiner in any particular instance. In narrative texts, the distribution of the determiner can be understood through the principles of attention guidance and salience. The primary pattern of distribution is “salience tracking”, where referents receive determiner marking any time they are directly involved in the narrative. Exceptions to this pattern still contribute to the narrator’s overall goal of attention guidance. In addition, two of the nine texts analyzed displayed a different distribution pattern, “salience flagging”, where the determiner occurred less frequently but still for the purpose of attention guidance. Finally, I propose that the difference between these two patterns may be a result of the process of determiner grammaticalization. ii Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of too many people to name here. I would like to especially thank my thesis committee: Dr. Steve Nicolle for his patience at every stage of this process, Dr. Sean Allison for allowing me to use his texts and his knowledge of Makary Kotoko, and Dr. Joseph Lovestrand for being willing to take this on at the last minute. Any remaining errors are completely my own. Thanks also to Kylie for proofreading, Julia and Haya for being excellent writing buddies, and Katie for keeping me company on the slow train. And finally, to Rick – sometimes you were the only one who believed this project would ever be finished, and it wouldn’t have happened without you. iii Table of Contents Abbreviations .............................................................................................................................. v List of Tables ............................................................................................................................ vii 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 1 2 Language background and discourse concepts ............................................................................ 3 2.1 Previous work on Makary Kotoko ........................................................................................ 3 2.2 A brief grammatical overview .............................................................................................. 4 2.3 The determiner in Makary Kotoko ....................................................................................... 6 2.4 Scope of analysis................................................................................................................... 7 2.5 Discourse concepts................................................................................................................ 8 3 Description and analysis ............................................................................................................ 10 3.1 Participants .......................................................................................................................... 13 3.1.1 Post-introductory exceptions ....................................................................................... 15 3.1.2 Discourse boundary exceptions ................................................................................... 17 3.1.3 Topic backgrounding ................................................................................................... 22 3.1.4 Minor participants ........................................................................................................ 29 3.2 Props ................................................................................................................................... 39 3.2.1 Salient props................................................................................................................. 40 3.2.2 Settings......................................................................................................................... 43 3.2.3 Theme and drama ......................................................................................................... 46 3.2.4 Non-salient props ......................................................................................................... 52 3.2.5 Future relevance ........................................................................................................... 54 3.3 Asides and conclusion statements ....................................................................................... 56 4 Alternate patterns and grammaticalization ................................................................................ 60 4.1 Text B86: The trick of dog and jackal that they played on hyena ...................................... 60 iv 4.2 Text A59: The old woman who surpassed Satan ................................................................ 64 4.3 Previous work in determiner grammaticalization ............................................................... 69 4.4 Grammaticalization and the Makary Kotoko determiner ................................................... 72 5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 75 References ..................................................................................................................................... 77 Appendix A: Makary Kotoko publications ................................................................................... 80 Index of Interlinearized Texts ....................................................................................................... 82 v Abbreviations 1 2 3 ABSTR ATT CAUS CONC CONJ CONTR DEM DET DIST DO EXCL F FOC IDEO IMP INCL INDP IO IPFV IRR LP M MMR MOD NEG NEUT NMOD NONSP PFV PL PO POL POSS PREP PRES PRO first person second person third person abstract attenuative causative concrete conjunction contrastive focus demonstrative determiner distal direct object exclusive feminine focus marker ideophone imperative inclusive independent pronoun indirect object imperfective aspect irrealis mode locative particle masculine means/manner/reason marker non-noun modification marker negative neutral aspect noun modification marker non-specific perfective aspect plural prepositional object polar question marker possessive preposition presentational copula resumptive (non-human/locative) pronoun vi PROH PROX REFL SG SW.TOP TAG VOL prohibitive mode proximal reflexive singular switch topic marker question tag volitive mode vii List of Tables Table 1 Text information ............................................................................................... p. 4 Table 2 Forms of the determiner ................................................................................... p. 6 Table 3 Discourse markers ............................................................................................ p. 6 Table 4 Nominal demonstratives ................................................................................... p. 6 Table 5 Expressions using the determiner ..................................................................... p. 8 Table 6 Noun phrase references to the young sultan in Text H93 .................................. p. 14 Table 7 Summary of participants in the seven ‘regular’ texts ........................................ p. 15 Table 8 Noun phrase references to the son in Text A06 ................................................. p. 22 Table 9 Noun phrase references to the son in Text A76 ................................................. p. 27 1 1 Introduction In the last twenty years, two functions have been proposed for the determiner1 in Makary Kotoko [mpi, Chadic]. The first is that it has “the same role as the definite article in French” (Mahamat 2005: 27, translation via Allison 2020: 106), although this description does not address the plural form of the determiner, only the masculine and feminine singular. The second proposal is that the determiner “indicate[s] that the referent of the noun phrase in which the determiner occurs is identifiable. What I mean is that by using the determiner, the speaker considers that the addressee can use context to determine the referent of the noun phrase coded with the definite determiner” (Allison 2020: 106). While it is true that, in general, any noun phrase marked with the determiner must be considered identifiable (see §2.3), identifiability does not guarantee that a noun phrase will receive determiner marking (see Allison 2020: 107). Identifiability, therefore, is not a sufficient condition to explain the occurrence of the determiner with any given noun phrase, although it is (usually) necessary. Similarly, French definite articles are grammatically obligatory for noun phrases with definite referents, whereas the Makary Kotoko determiner cannot be called “obligatory” for definite or even identifiable referents (see the introduction to Chapter 3 for an example). Although the determiner does not occur with every identifiable noun phrase, or every definite noun phrase, we would not expect its distribution to be random. Thus, there must be some other factors that influence a speaker’s choice whether or not to mark any particular noun phrase. This analysis looks at the distribution of the determiner in Makary Kotoko narrative texts to determine what those factors might be. I will propose that the principles underlying the 1 Allison (2020) calls this the ‘definite determiner’. 2 narrator’s choice of when to use the determiner are pragmatic, namely attention guidance and salience, and that these principles explain both the normal patterns of determiner use, and exceptions where the determiner occurs (or does not occur) unexpectedly. Chapter 2 gives an overview of the Makary Kotoko language and introduces relevant discourse concepts. Chapter 3 describes the regular determiner distribution pattern and exceptions found in the majority of texts analyzed. Chapter 4 presents two texts with somewhat different distribution patterns and proposes an explanation for these differences based on determiner grammaticalization. Chapter 5 summarizes the analysis and proposes some areas for further research. 3 2 Language background and discourse concepts Makary Kotoko2 [mpi] is a Chadic language spoken in northern Cameroon, near Lake Chad. The Chadic languages are part of the Afro-Asiatic family, and are divided into West, Central/BiuMandara, Masa, and East. Makary Kotoko falls under the B sub-branch of Central Chadic, which contains eight other Kotoko languages, and is spoken in northern Cameroon and adjacent regions of Nigeria and Chad. There are also speakers in many of the urban centers of Cameroon. The number of speakers is estimated between 12,000 and 16,000, but Allison (2020: 1) believes this does not include many of the speakers living outside the Makary Kotoko region. 2.1 Previous work on Makary Kotoko Previous work on Makary Kotoko has focused primarily on phonological and grammatical analysis. Tourneux and Mahamat have published (separately and together) a number of works in French on Makary Kotoko and the Kotoko languages.3 Two of these deal with oral texts: Mahamat (2011) is a description of genres, and Mahamat (2013) is an ethnolinguistic analysis. The primary English-language work on Makary Kotoko is Allison (2020), an extension and revision of an earlier doctoral dissertation. The information in this chapter is drawn from Allison’s grammar (see also Appendix A). One of the foundations of Allison’s analysis of Makary Kotoko is approximately sixty texts that were recorded and phonetically transcribed, then later edited for inclusion in literacy materials. Nine of these texts, folk-tale narratives from six different speakers, form the corpus Some sources use mpade, which is the autonym used by residents of the town of Makary. “The term Makary Kotoko then is the cover term used to refer to all speech varieties which are mutually intelligible with the variety spoken in the town of Makary” (Allison 2020: 1). 3 Only English references were used in research for this thesis; however, French published works on Makary Kotoko are listed in Appendix A. 2 4 data for this analysis.4 At the time of recording the speakers ranged from 30 to over 100 years old, and lived in three different neighborhoods of the town of Makary as well as two villages further away. Each text is identified with a letter-number combination (e.g., Text A06) that corresponds to the book (letter) and first page (number) of its original transcription. Table 1. Text information Text Clauses Speaker A06 299 Umar Mal Yamani Age “quite old” Village Gosɨlo (Makary) Appendix B A59* 131 Umar Mal Yamani “quite old” Gosɨlo (Makary) C A76 211 Umar Mal Yamani “quite old” Gosɨlo (Makary) D B86* 110 Alifa 100+ Biamo E E71 168 Kalia Garba 40 Gosɨlo (Makary) F H39 78 Alaji Mahamat Mɨskey 75 Galme (Makary) G H93 179 Geyme Abani 80 Welio (Makary) H I19 141 Geyme Abani 80 Welio (Makary) J I87 117 Guskro 30 Dougoumsilio K *Alternate pattern text (see Chapter 4) 2.2 A brief grammatical overview5 Makary Kotoko has a standard clause order of SVO (S = subject) for transitive clauses, and SV (S = single argument) for intransitive. There is limited verbal morphology, and all required person, number/gender, and aspect/mode information is coded on an obligatory subject marker.6 No noun phrases are obligatory in the standard clause, but a subject noun phrase (co-referential with the subject marker) can occur before the subject marker, and one or more (usually not more 4 Since these are texts used in literacy materials, they are written in the Makary Kotoko orthography, and all data in this thesis is given orthographically (not phonetically). 5 All grammatical information from Allison (2020). 6 This subject marker is not a noun phrase, but it is the default “zero” reference marking strategy in Makary Kotoko (not pronouns). When I refer to marking “with a noun phrase,” this includes pronominal references, and is in opposition to references with just the subject marker. 5 than two) noun phrases may occur in pre-subject position.7 Pre-subject noun phrases have been analyzed as a means of topicalization (see Allison 2020: 358ff). Other elements that may occur after the verb are the indirect object, means/manner/reason marker, direct object, and locative complement; if more than one occurs, they appear in that order. Objects may be represented by a pronoun, and the locative complement may be represented by a pronoun or a locative particle. Nouns also have limited morphology. Inherent gender (masculine or feminine) is not coded on nouns, but plural is coded. Noun-modifying elements have three gender/number categories: masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural. For some modifiers of the noun, masculine singular and plural have the same form. All modifying elements follow the head noun in a noun phrase. Possessives, adjectives, the non-specific marker, prepositional phrases, relative clauses, and demonstratives/determiners occur in that order, although adjectives sometimes occur before possessives or after the non-specific marker. Numerals and other quantifiers may also occur, but do not have a fixed position in the noun phrase. Some modifying elements can come directly after the head noun with no marker between, but others require a modifying marker8 between the head noun and modifying element. When a noun modifies another noun, one of the following markers occurs: sɨ NMOD.M, l NMOD.F, i NMOD.PL. When several other elements (including possessives, relative clauses, and prepositional phrases) modify a noun, one of the following markers occurs: ro9 MOD.F, n MOD.M/PL. Allison (2020: 358) uses “pre-subject” rather than “fronted” because not all pre-subject noun phrases in Makary Kotoko are actually moved from a position within the clause. 8 These markers are frequently attached or fused to other morphemes, so for examples given in the body of this thesis they will only be glossed as MOD.M, etc., if they are independent in the noun phrase. Full glossing is given in the text appendices. 9 When following a nasal, this is realized as no, and occurs in the orthography that way. 7 6 2.3 The determiner in Makary Kotoko The determiner follows the standard gender/number distinction in Makary Kotoko with three forms: masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural (see Table 2). Table 2. Forms of the determiner Gender/Number Determiner M so F do PL yo It can occur with full noun phrases, proper names, and independent pronouns.10 The determiner always occurs at the end of the noun phrase, but there are a number of discourse markers that can follow the noun phrase that are able to co-occur with the determiner: Table 3. Discourse markers da contrastive focus (CONTR) ɗe switch topic (SW.TOP) ma focus (FOC) yahe concessive (‘even’) ɗama adversative (‘but’) The nominal demonstratives (both attributive and predicative11) include the determiner as a component part: Table 4. Nominal demonstratives Gender/Number Proximal/Distal Predicative Attributive PROX nda so DIST nda te so M PROX ndo do ro do DIST nte do / nto do ro nte do / ro nto do F PROX nde yo DIST nde te yo PL 10 Direct object pronouns, indirect object pronouns, prepositional pronouns, possessive pronouns, and the resumptive pronoun cannot be marked with the determiner. 11 “Attributive” and “predicative” can also be called “adnominal” and “pronominal”. 7 Because of this, these demonstratives cannot co-occur with an additional determiner, and are counted in the texts as an occurrence of the determiner. In general, the determiner is only able to occur with noun phrases whose referents are identifiable. This is the function that Allison (2020: 106) proposes for the determiner: “to indicate that the referent of the noun phrase in which the determiner occurs is identifiable.” While I will propose a slightly different function, it is true that most referents marked with the determiner must be considered identifiable for the audience by the narrator. There are several ways a referent can be identifiable: through previous mention in the discourse, through semantic relationship with something already mentioned (e.g., the wife of a character already introduced), or through being a unique referent (e.g., “the sun”). However, not every noun phrase with an identifiable referent is marked with the determiner. This points to a pragmatic motivation for when the narrator chooses to mark a noun phrase with the determiner, which will be the focus of the following chapters. 2.4 Scope of analysis Since identifiability is (usually) a requirement for the determiner to occur, referents mentioned only once in a text were not included in the analysis unless they were marked with the determiner or were clearly identifiable in one of the ways discussed above (particularly if there was an analogous noun elsewhere that was marked with the determiner). Nouns that occur as part of lexicalized verbal expressions (e.g. sa tɨn ‘sit’, literally ‘put ground’) were likewise excluded. The nine texts analyzed are all folk-tale narratives, but each includes both narration and direct speech (there are also two instances of indirect speech). Since direct speech is a conversational genre, which has different discourse constraints than narration, only nouns occurring in the narrative portion of each text were analyzed. However, direct speech was still considered as a 8 means of identifiability, by providing previous mention of a referent or through semantic relationship with something mentioned in direct speech. Finally, there are several lexicalized or semi-lexicalized modifying expressions that occur with the determiner, which were also excluded from this analysis: Table 5. Expressions using the determiner Temporal Adverbs kagey do ‘while’ gako do ‘afterward, next’ na do ‘now’ adɨgen do ‘next’ barte do ‘before, while’ tia do ‘in olden times’ Manner Adverbs nondo do kal yo ‘in that way’ ‘just, exactly’ Locative Adverb go do ‘head, front’ Quantifier lake so lake do ‘each.M’ ‘each.F’ 2.5 Discourse concepts12 There are a number of discourse concepts related to how the determiner is used in narratives. The two primary categories of referents in narrative are PARTICIPANTS and PROPS. Participants are animate characters (human or non-human) who take an active role in the narrative at some point, while props are objects or characters who never have an active role. Participants can be further divided into MAJOR and MINOR, where major participants are active in more of the narrative and are more central to the plot, and minor participants are usually only present or active for part of the narrative and are less central to the plot. Certain minor participants can be treated as major 12 This section follows Nicolle (2014), who references several more comprehensive descriptions: Grimes (1975), Dooley & Levinsohn (2001), Levinsohn (2003), Longacre (1996), Longacre & Hwang (2012). 9 participants within the episode(s) where they occur, and these are referred to as EPISODIC major participants. Narrative texts are structured as a series of EPISODES, which are divisions “determined by the content of the narrative itself” (Nicolle 2014: 117). The nine texts analyzed below are all ‘climactic’ narratives, which follow the same general episode structure, although there is some variation.13 The ORIENTATION introduces the setting, often one or more major participants, and sometimes also the theme of the narrative. The INCITING EPISODE contains the events which cause the conflict or problem the story will resolve. One or more DEVELOPMENTAL EPISODES move the situation from the inciting episode towards a resolution. The PEAK is where the situation created by the inciting episode is resolved. The DENOUEMENT describes what happens to one or more participants after the peak or summarizes the story. The CONCLUSION (in these Makary Kotoko texts) states the theme or moral the audience is supposed to learn from the story. A final element of narrative structure that is relevant to these texts in particular is a moment in the event line that I will call the “transition point”. This term designates the point in the narrative where the action of the story starts to pick up and things begin to build towards the peak. It can occur at or just after the end of the inciting episode, but sometimes there are additional episodes required to fully set up the situation that the inciting episode began before the action truly starts. In those cases, the transition point occurs in one of the developmental episodes. Having established the necessary background information, we will now look at where determiner marking occurs in Makary Kotoko narratives. 13 These episode descriptions are specifically tailored to what is found in the Makary Kotoko texts; for more general descriptions see the references in the footnote at the beginning of this section. 10 3 Description and analysis In this chapter we will look at the distribution of the determiner in Makary Kotoko narratives, and the pragmatic motivations for why the determiner occurs in these patterns. As discussed previously, for a noun phrase to be marked with the determiner the narrator must consider that its referent is identifiable to their audience (see §2.3). However, not every identifiable noun is marked with the determiner. For example, the mother of the protagonist in Text A06 is first referenced with the determiner (Sentence 4.8), and later is not (Sentence 6.7): (1) 4.8 Ngo ro when rogɨ of shargu illness en them do yal DET.F VOL.3SGF lo son so do DET.M DET.F fɨra overtake rɨ, 3SGM.DO a 3SGM.PFV14 k'ani then ya mother do dɨ… drive.away 3SGF.DO ‘When [the father realized] the illness would overcome him, then the mother of the son, he sent her away…’ (2) 6.7 A ke gɨ 3SGM.NEUT ask ya rogɨdan mother of.them gi… that ‘He (the son) asked his mother…’ Since the mother’s identifiability doesn’t change between references, there must be other factors that influence the narrator’s decision when to use the determiner. Based on the nine texts analyzed, I propose that these factors are pragmatic, and that the purpose of the determiner in narratives is to guide the audience’s attention to what the narrator indicates is important (salient) to the action or theme of the narrative. 14 Allison (2020) uses ‘completive’. 11 There are two relevant linguistic concepts: ATTENTION GUIDANCE and SALIENCE. Attention guidance refers to the fact that the narrator “needs to make sure that the hearer’s focus of attention moves along the lines he had in mind”, and will therefore use different strategies to “signal the hearer to adjust (or to maintain) his focus of attention” (Chiarcos 2010: 15). Salience, in terms of narrative, refers to how important a particular element is.15 It has been shown that “impressionistic judgments of importance of referents in a discourse … [are] fairly consistent” (Laury 1997: 155, referencing Wright & Givon 1987), but the primary indicator of salience as regards determiner marking is how closely a referent is involved with the current events in the narrative. This is true for both participants and props, although the evaluation of their involvement differs. Other factors that can affect determiner marking are connection to the theme or moral and lack of involvement in the immediate future of the narrative, although these factors primarily affect minor participants and props. Connection to the theme or moral may cause determiner marking where a referent is not salient through involvement in the action. Lack of immediate future involvement can discourage determiner marking even when a referent is involved in the current action of the narrative. Analyses of other Central/Biu-Mandara Chadic languages have similarly identified pragmatic motivations in the use of certain demonstratives, determiners, or definite articles. In 15 This is similar to the definition given in Clamons, et al. (1993), but there has been much debate among linguists about how to define salience, what factors affect salience, and what effects salience has. For several varying perspectives see: Chafe (1976), Fillmore (1977), Sgall et al. (1986), Gundel et al. (1993), Langacker (1997), Steedman (2000), Mulkern (2007). Chiarcos (2010) gives a good explanation of how these views can be harmonized if salience is understood as multi-dimensional: both backward-looking (hearer-focused, related to attention indication) and forward-looking (speaker-focused, related to attention guidance). For the determiner in Makary Kotoko, the identifiability requirement fits the backward-looking dimension, since the referent must be accessible within the audience’s mental model of the discourse to be identifiable. The forward-looking dimension corresponds to the attention-guidance factors that determine if the determiner is used for a particular identifiable noun, based on the narrator’s knowledge of the discourse. Chiarcos further related salience and attention by calling attention “an epiphenomenon of salience”, and salience “a gradual assessment of attention” (2010: 16). For the purposes of this discussion, however, the idea of salience as ‘importance’ is sufficient. 12 Sakun (Sukur), two determiners are identified: one which can “track topics through a discourse” and the other which occurs with “highly topical referents” (Thomas 2014: 320-325). Gemzek (Zulgo-Gemzek) has a “word-level definite marker” that indicates previous reference and “is often used to highlight objects that are central to the main plot” (Scherrer 2001: 25-26). Smith (2003) is a more extensive description of narrative discourse markers in Muyang, which includes a definite marker that, among other uses, “functions as a maintenance marker in the participant reference system” and can, by presence or absence, indicate the thematic prominence of a referent (2003: 5-23). Soumraye (Somrai), an East Chadic language, also has an article which indicates previous reference but is not obligatory, often occurs with topics, and is frequently found at episode boundaries (Miller 2020: 29-31). None of these descriptions focus exclusively on the determiner/definite marker/definite article, but they demonstrate that these markers are frequently associated with similar discourse functions in closely related languages16 to Makary Kotoko. In this chapter, patterns of determiner marking for participants and props will be considered separately, in §3.1 and §3.2. Three types of exceptions to determiner marking that apply primarily to major participants will be discussed in §3.1.1 (post-introductory exceptions), §3.1.2 (discourse boundary exceptions), and §3.1.3 (topic backgrounding). Minor participants will be discussed in §3.1.4. Salient and non-salient props will be described in §3.2.1 and §3.2.4, respectively. Props that occur as part of the setting will be discussed in §3.2.2 and props whose determiner marking is connected to theme or dramatic effect will be discussed in §3.2.3. Instances where determiner marking does not occur on props because of a lack of immediate future relevance will be described in §3.2.5. The determiner marking patterns described in all 16 However, the three Central Chadic languages mentioned here all belong to subgroup A, whereas Makary Kotoko is in subgroup B. 13 these sections are found in seven out of the nine texts analyzed. The remaining two texts, although using determiner marking for the same underlying reasons (attention guidance and salience), have different surface expressions of determiner marking patterns. These alternate patterns, and a proposed explanation for this difference, will be the subject of Chapter 4. Finally, there are two places we find referents that are not true props or participants but are frequently marked with the determiner: in statements of the moral (conclusion) of the narrative, and in asides that provide background information. These will be discussed in §3.3. 3.1 Participants Most texts have one or two major participants; in one text there are four. The minor participants range from zero to five per text, and most are only active for one or two episodes (though they may be referenced in other episodes). Major participants are usually central to the plot of the narrative and are active in multiple episodes throughout the text. When referenced, they are usually directly involved in the action of the narrative. Minor participants are often introduced with the determiner, while major participants almost never are. This is partly because major participants are almost always introduced at the beginning of the narrative and cannot be identified from context; eleven of twelve major participants in the seven ‘regular’ texts are introduced without the determiner. Minor participants, on the other hand, tend to be introduced when they are identifiable and currently salient; episodic major participants may be introduced like major or minor participants, depending on how important they are to the narrative. Fifteen of the twenty-five minor or episodic major participants in the seven regular texts are introduced with the determiner; ten are introduced without. However, of the four episodic major participants in Text A76 (for example), only the prince is introduced without the determiner. He also shares other characteristics with major participants (discussed further in §3.1.1 and §3.1.3). 14 The primary way that participants of all types are salient is through direct involvement with the current actions in the narrative. Major participants are usually salient every time they are referenced, so the characteristic determiner pattern for major participants is an introduction without the determiner and then consistent determiner marking. Four of twelve major participants in the regular texts have no exceptions to this pattern; Table 6 demonstrates what this looks like for the major participant in Text H93. Table 6. Noun phrase references to the young sultan in Text H93 Without determiner With determiner Sentence lo ngɨn gomnaru ‘son of him, young’ 1.3 lo so ‘son DET.M’ 1.4 me so ‘sultan DET.M’ 3.2 me so ‘sultan DET.M’ 9.1 me so ‘sultan DET.M’ 31.1 me so ‘sultan DET.M’ 32.1 me so ‘sultan DET.M’ 32.9 Episode Orientation Inciting Inciting Dev. Ep. 2 Peak Peak Conclusion The other eight major participants have one or more exceptions where they are not marked with the determiner. These exceptions fall into three categories: ‘post-introductory’ exceptions, exceptions that occur at a discourse boundary, and topic backgrounding. These exceptions are discussed in §3.1.1, §3.1.2, and §3.1.3. Episodic major participants that exhibit one of these types of exceptions will also be discussed in the relevant sections. The default pattern of determiner marking for minor participants is essentially the same as for major participants: when the participant is involved in the current action, noun phrase references are marked with the determiner, otherwise they are not. There are two factors that cause exceptions for minor participants. First, the relation of a participant to the theme, moral, or conclusion of the story can cause determiner marking at a point where the referent is less involved. Second, if a participant is not salient in the following episode or paragraph, they may not be marked with the determiner even if currently involved in the events of the narrative 15 (“future relevance” exceptions). These generalizations will also be relevant for props (see §3.2.3 and §3.2.5). Minor participants will be discussed in more detail in §3.1.4. A summary of various characteristics of the participants in the seven ‘regular’ texts is given in Table 7. Table 7. Summary of participants in the seven ‘regular’ texts Major participants Minor participants Total 12 25* Intro with determiner Intro without determiner 1 11 15* 10* Post-introductory exceptions Discourse boundary exceptions Topic backgrounding Thematic relevance No future relevance 4 6** 2 1* 3* 3 2 *Numbers include episodic major participants **Number of participants who have a discourse boundary exception, not the number of exceptions (some participants have both a transition point and peak exception) 3.1.1 Post-introductory exceptions The first type of exception for major participants is post-introductory exceptions. These occur when a major participant is not marked with the determiner an additional time soon after their introduction. This also happens with an episodic major participant who is introduced like a regular major participant. Post-introductory exceptions are always in the same paragraph as the participant’s initial introduction, and are either the second or third noun phrase referring to that participant. There are five post-introductory exceptions over three of the regular texts, and in each text the exceptions occur for slightly different reasons. Text H39 contains three of the exceptions. In this text, the four major participants (the only participants in the text) are all introduced in the same paragraph, where the narrator describes how a wealthy man and a farmer divorce their wives and then marry each other’s former wives (see Sentences 2.1-2.6 in Appendix G). The complexity of the situation being 16 described, and the fact that the participants are not introduced one at a time but all together, and all in relation to one another, already make these unusual participant introductions. The wealthy man is referenced with a noun phrase four times in this section, and the first two are without the determiner. The farmer is referenced five times, and the first and third are not marked with the determiner. The wealthy man’s first wife follows the regular major participant pattern, but she is only referenced with a noun phrase once in this section. When she is next referenced with a noun phrase, in Sentence 2.11, the determiner occurs as expected. The farmer’s first wife is the only major participant in these seven texts who is introduced with the determiner. Her next noun phrase reference in Sentence 2.3 is not marked with the determiner, but the one in Sentence 2.6 is. The other two post-introductory exceptions occur in two different texts. In Text A76, the prince is an episodic major participant first identified as the son of the sultan, and the next sentence clarifies that he is the prince who will become sultan when his father dies: (3) 19.3 …e 3PL.PFV ka meet lo ngɨ son of me… sultan ‘…they met [the] son of [the] sultan…’ 19.4 Meyna prince ma IRR.3SGM n MOD.M ya become aba father me sultan ngɨdan a madɨ aro dan da of.them 3SGM.PFV die then 3SGM.INDP CONTR so17 DET.M ‘[It was] the prince who when his father dies then him, he’ll become sultan.’ Although it may seem that the determiner should belong to the closest masculine noun (me ‘sultan’, in this case), Allison (p.c. 15 Mar 2021) clarifies: “The determiner so marks the end of the relative clause which begins with the modifying marker n directly after meyna ‘prince’. That sentence is written as a full sentence in the text, but it is really a clarifying remark for the preceding sentence - clarifying which of the sultan's sons is being referred to - the one that will become sultan later on.” 17 17 Sentence 19.4 includes a reference to the prince as dan da ‘him.INDP CONTR’ without the determiner, but it occurs in a relative clause modifying another noun referring to the prince, which is marked with the determiner. This post-introductory exception and the ones discussed above are not intended to catch the audience’s attention. Rather, they occur where there are multiple references to a major participant immediately after they are introduced, and at least one of those other references is marked with the determiner. Because there are multiple references to each participant when they are introduced, the function of the determiner in identifying them as major participants still applies even if one noun phrase doesn’t have the determiner. The final post-introductory exception is in Text I19. A group of elephants, a hare, and the hare’s children are all introduced in the first sentence. The next seven sentences comprise the inciting episode, where the hare’s children see the elephants coming and run to tell their mom, who promises to take care of it (see Sentences 1.1-6.2 in Appendix J). The elephants are not actually present in the inciting episode, although they are referenced at the beginning of it in Sentence 1.2. Since the elephants are not yet “on stage”, the narrator does not draw the audience’s attention to them by marking this second noun phrase with a determiner. The salient actions in this episode occur between the children and the hare, both of whom are marked with the determiner in Sentences 1.2 and 6.2. Although the motivation for this post-introductory exception is not exactly the same as the motivations for the other post-introductory exceptions, they are all consistent with the attention guidance and salience marking purposes of the determiner. 3.1.2 Discourse boundary exceptions The second type of exception that occurs with major participants is the discourse boundary exception. Generally, this involves a major participant being referred to without the determiner, 18 often using a different noun phrase than the ones used in the rest of the narrative to refer to that participant. This is an indication to the audience to pay extra attention because events are about to pick up in the narrative. Most discourse boundary exceptions occur at the transition point of the text. Changing the expected pattern of determiner marking, and often the referring noun phrase as well, still functions to guide the audience’s attention. In this way, even though the determiner does not occur, these instances are still part of the overall pattern of attention guidance. Five of the seven regular texts have a discourse boundary exception at their transition point. In two of these, the transition point occurs at the end of the inciting episode or beginning of the first developmental episode. In the other three, it occurs later in the narrative. In Text H39, the conflict revolves around the fact that there is a famine in the village and the farmer and his wife (who used to be the wealthy man’s wife) have grain, but the wealthy man and his wife (who used to be the farmer’s wife) do not. At the beginning of the first developmental episode, there is a change in the determiner marking pattern for the farmer. Up to this point he has been referred to mostly as msi gere so ‘man.of farming DET.M’ or msi gere ‘man.of farming’, but in Sentence 2.10 (see Appendix G) he is referred to as msi wahie yo ‘man.of grain DET.PL’. (The plural determiner is marking wahie ‘grain’, a plural noun.) This change in the determiner marking pattern serves both to draw the audience’s attention to the action that is about to begin, and to indicate that grain is about to become the central focus of the action, which remains true through to the peak. Text E71 also has its transition point at the end of the inciting episode, where a man saves a dog from being beaten. The beginning of the first developmental episode is where the dog returns, as a person, and tells the man he will be rewarded for his good deed. Throughout the 19 text, after his introduction, the dog is referred to as kɨlew so ‘dog DET.M’, except for at this transition point: (4) 3.5 Aro then ndo it’s algɨ person da CONTR a 3SGM.PFV fɨ si he change do like kɨlew. dog ‘Well it was [actually] a human who had changed into a dog.’ Once again, the determiner does not occur with this new expression, which tells the audience to pay attention because the action of the story is about to start. The remaining three transition points fall later than the inciting episode. In Text I19, the transition point occurs in the middle of the first developmental episode, where the elephants’ first attempt to get past the hare begins a series of attempts that leads up to the peak of the narrative. Thus, it is where the action of the narrative actually begins. The elephants, who have been established as a major participant by this point and who were already marked with the determiner at the beginning of the episode, do not take the determiner in Sentence 11.1 right at this transition point (see Appendix J). This is the only discourse boundary exception that does not involve a change in referring expression, but it is still a change in the expected pattern since all other references to the elephants are marked with the determiner. Once again, the missing determiner should catch the audience’s attention, so they catch the action of the narrative that is about to start. Text A76 starts with a son who follows his father’s advice on both who to marry and who to befriend. He then steals the sultan’s prized ram, buys a different ram, kills the second ram, and gives the meat to his wives, telling them it’s from the sultan’s ram. Then the theft of the sultan’s ram is announced, and the wives discuss whether to turn in their husband to be killed for the theft, in exchange for the reward offered by the sultan. The older wife decides to turn him in, but 20 the younger wife stays behind. The fourth developmental episode, in which soldiers come and arrest the son to bring him before the sultan, marks the transition point from the setup to the rising action, as the consequences of the son’s theft have now been set into motion (see Sentences 13.1-13.4 in Appendix D). This episode contains an extended description of what is happening in the village (rather than advancing the plot), and contains a reference to the son as blo n si ‘man MOD.M NONSP.M’ that occurs in indirect speech (the son has mostly been referenced as lo so ‘son DET.M’ thus far in the narrative). In this case, there are additional indications from the narrator (background description instead of main action, indirect speech instead of direct speech) that this is a significant transition in the narrative. A similar exception where the son is referenced as dan da ‘him CONTR’, also in indirect speech, occurs just before the pre-peak episode of this text. This pre-peak episode similarly serves as a break in the action just before the resolution of the conflict occurs in the peak. Although these two references occur in indirect speech rather than straight narration, they share important characteristics with the other discourse boundary exceptions: a change in referring expression that does not take the determiner, that occurs at a point in the narrative where the narrator is telling the audience to pay extra attention to what happens next. The final discourse boundary exception at a transition point in the seven regular texts comes in Text A06, at the beginning of the third developmental episode. In the inciting episode, a son ignores his father’s advice about what type of wife to marry and then lies to his father about it. The first two developmental episodes cover the father’s death, the son’s search for his father’s money, and his wife’s deception about the money. This completes the setup of the situation that needs to be resolved in this text. At the beginning of the third episode there is a summary statement of the current situation, before the son travels to see his uncle in an attempt 21 to find out what happened to his father’s money (see Sentence 10.2 in Appendix B). Previously, except for his introduction, the son has been referred to as lo so ‘son DET.M’; at this transition point in the narrative, he is referred to simply as blo ‘man’. This change in reference to a form without the determiner should catch the audience’s attention and let them know that the action is about to begin. Text A06 also has a discourse boundary exception at the peak of the narrative, similar to Text A76 where a second exception occurred at the pre-peak episode. Interestingly, there are fewer discourse boundary exceptions at peaks than at transition points, and all three peak exceptions occur in texts where there is also a transition point exception. Only one of those three peak exceptions (in Text H39) involves a different major participant than the transition point exception. In Text A06, the discourse boundary exception at the peak (and the transition point) involves the son, who is the major participant of the text, and it occurs at the same point in the peak where the cousin is marked with the determiner in a thematic exception (discussed in §3.1.4 below): (5) 39.4 …ndei sa he 18 IPFV.3PL dwell ngɨdan of.them a lɨ PREP PRO cokoy, dan go lo IDEO 3SGM.INDP and daughter rogɨ of abana uncle do… DET.F ‘…they lived there, he and the daughter of his uncle…’ Normally we would expect that the determiner would still occur for a major participant, even if an independent pronoun is used rather than a full noun phrase, so the fact that only the pronoun occurs here is unexpected. It is possible that this particular exception could be related to the 18 Allison (2020) uses ‘incompletive’. 22 thematic determiner marking of the cousin, rather than a marker of discourse structure like the transition point exceptions, and since there are fewer examples of exceptions at the peak it is more difficult to draw generalizations. However, the other two peak exceptions both involve independent pronouns: in Text H39 the wealthy man, going to buy grain from the farmer at the beginning of the peak, is referred to as dan da ‘him.INDP CONTR’; in Text A76, as discussed above, the son is referred to as dan da ‘him.INDP CONTR’, although it occurs in indirect speech. These three exceptions all do have similar characteristics as the transition point exceptions: they involve a major participant, have a change of referring expression, and are not marked with the determiner. A summary of the noun phrase references to the son in Text A06, with the discourse boundary exceptions shaded, is given in Table 8 below. Table 8. Noun phrase references to the son in Text A06 Without determiner With determiner lo da ‘son CONTR’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ lo so ɗe ‘son DET.M SW.TOP’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ lo ngɨn so ‘son of.him DET.M’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ blo ɗe ‘man SW.TOP’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ wi […] so ‘husband […] DET.M’ dan ‘him.INDP’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ nda te so ‘him.DEM.DIST’ nda te so ɗe ‘him.DEM.DIST SW.TOP’ Sentence 1 2 4.4 4.7 4.8 4.9 6.4 10.2 18.3 39.3 39.4 39.6 40.2 45.7 Episode Orientation Inciting Inciting Dev. Ep. 1 Dev. Ep. 1 Dev. Ep. 1 Dev. Ep. 1 Dev. Ep. 2 Dev. Ep. 2 Peak Peak Peak Denouement Denouement 3.1.3 Topic backgrounding The previous sections have primarily focused on determiner marking patterns where the narrator wants the audience to pay more attention to a participant or event. In this section we will look at a situation where the narrator wants the audience to pay less attention. As discussed earlier, the 23 primary way participants are salient is through their actions. Major participants will also have some inherent salience, since they are directly related to the central plot/conflict, and episodic major participants can similarly be inherently salient to their episode(s), but minor participants don’t usually have inherent salience. Major participants always have some inherent salience to the narrative, but there can be situations where a major participant’s actions are not responsible for moving the plot forward, and in these cases regular determiner marking could draw too much attention to the actions of the major participant. However, not marking a major participant reference with the determiner is already indicative of other things, like a discourse boundary. For major or episodic major participants in this situation, a particular reference pattern of an independent pronoun followed by the switch topic marker occurs, with no determiner. This pattern only occurs when the participants are the topic of the sentence (occurring in a pre-subject noun phrase), so I am calling it “topic backgrounding,” as the idea of ‘backgrounding’ in discourse involves removing something from direct attention. Further analysis might suggest a more precise term. This pattern occurs with five referents in three different texts: two major participants, two episodic major participants, and one minor participant (who has acquired inherent salience through thematic parallel). It occurs three times for each major participant, and once for each episodic major participant and the minor participant. This particular reference pattern is unique, in that the only time an independent pronoun and switch topic marker is used (with no determiner) is for these five participants. Independent pronouns are sometimes used for salient minor participants, but these references are usually followed directly by a clarifying full noun phrase with the determiner. Major participants can also be referred to with an independent pronoun in other instances, but these are marked with the determiner. 24 One of the major participants with this alternate reference pattern is the hare in Text I19. The hare is the protagonist, but in the middle section of the narrative the elephants are the ones taking actions that advance the plot. In episodes one and three the hare reacts to the elephants’ actions, but she is not making choices that change the course of events, and the pattern of reference in the narrative reflects this with an independent pronoun followed by the switch topic marker at the end of the first developmental episode: (6) 12.1 Dɨ 3SGF.INDP ɗe SW.TOP ɨl 3SGF.NEUT gɨ say rɨ 3SGM.IO gi… that ‘Her, she said to [the elephants]…’ 12.2 Dɨ 3SGF.INDP ɗe SW.TOP engɨdɨ them.of.her yo DET.PL ɨl 3SGF.NEUT hac'an shake go… PREP ‘Her, her ears, she flapped them…’ The same thing occurs at a parallel point in episode three (Sentences 20.4-20.5, see Appendix J). The hare is next referenced at the beginning of the peak, right before the conversation that resolves the conflict. At this point she is once again referenced with the determiner, as expected for a major participant: (7) 25.2 …a fɨla k'ani a 3SGM.NEUT dance then dɨ 3SGM.PFV go gɨ msɨlwo do ho. PREP hare LP DET.F ‘…[the big elephant] danced then he went to the hare.’ All three topic backgrounding references are in clauses where the hare is in a pre-subject noun phrase, indicating she is a topic of the sentence.19 19 See Allison (2020: 358ff) for a discussion of pre-subject noun phrases as topics. 25 The other major participant and the two episodic major participants who have this reference pattern are from Text A76. The major participant in this text, a son who steals the sultan’s ram, is referenced with topic backgrounding multiple times, in between references with regular determiner marking and two discourse boundary exceptions (discussed in §3.1.2). The first reference to the son using topic backgrounding occurs in the episode before the transition point (where he is arrested for theft); this episode contains a conversation between the son and his younger wife but does not advance the plot (see Sentence 10.1 in Appendix D). In the three developmental episodes between the transition point and the pre-peak, the son is referenced three times with a noun phrase. During this part of the narrative, the son is under arrest and is being brought to see various friends by the arresting soldiers, so the first reference to him as a topic (in Sentence 13.8) uses topic backgrounding. The next reference (in Sentence 16.1) has the son as a non-topicalized object, so regular determiner marking occurs. The third reference in this section is the (pre-)peak discourse boundary exception already mentioned (Sentence 19.2). In the same episode as the pre-peak discourse boundary exception, there is an episodic major participant, ‘the poor man’, who is referenced with the topic backgrounding pattern: dan ɗe ‘him.INDP SW.TOP’ (see Sentence 19.2). This episode is a condensed version of parallel events that have occurred in the past few episodes, and the actual events of this episode are essentially the same as one of those previous episodes. In addition, the very next sentence begins the prepeak episode by introducing the prince, another episodic major participant who plays a significant role through the rest of the narrative. Using topic backgrounding for the poor man in this episode, along with shortening the episode and using indirect speech instead of direct speech, prepares the audience to move their attention to the important events and participants that are coming next in the narrative. 26 In the pre-peak and peak episodes, the son and the prince switch between regular determiner marking and topic backgrounding, depending on whose actions are advancing the plot and whether or not they are the topic of the sentence. In the pre-peak episode (Sentences 19.3-20.2 in Appendix D) the son asks the soldiers guarding him to take him to see the prince. This is a significant action, since the prince is ultimately the one who saves the son’s life, but the rest of the pre-peak episode does little to advance the plot, instead serving as a break in the action before reaching the peak. The son (referenced as haɗi so ‘thief DET.M’) is marked with the determiner as the topic of Sentence 19.5 (when he asks to be taken to the prince), but later is referenced with topic backgrounding during the descriptive part of this episode: (8) 21.1 Dan ɗe, nda e ɗɨ rɨ 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP already 3PL.PFV put 3SGM.DO tɨn tɨngɨr... ground publicly ‘Him, they had put him down publicly…’ The prince, who is introduced at the beginning of the pre-peak episode, is marked with the determiner as a non-topicalized object in Sentence 20.1, but in the next sentence (now in a presubject noun phrase) is referenced with topic backgrounding: (9) 20.2 Dan ɗe, nda, a de lugu ngɨn maragi. 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP already 3SGM.PFV throw gandura of.him together ‘Him, he wrapped his gandura around him.’ Here the prince is about to go bathe in the river, an event that delays the son’s trial but does not move the plot forward. At the beginning of the peak, both the prince (as a topic) and the son (as a non-topicalized object) are marked with the determiner in Sentences 21.5-21.6. The final noun phrase reference 27 to the son comes at the end of the peak, after the sultan has pardoned him and he has been freed from arrest: (10) 27.1 E fal yo, 3PL.PFV untie k'ani then saba so a s'aga… friend DET.M 3SGM.PFV rise.up ‘They untied [the ropes] then the friend (the son), he stood up…’ These two episodes are a good example of how the narrator can use regular determiner marking and topic backgrounding to keep the audience’s attention focused on the important actions in a narrative, without losing track of who the major participants are in a relatively long and complicated story. A summary of the noun phrase references to the son in Text A76 is given below in Table 9. Shading indicates instances of discourse boundary exceptions (lighter) and topic backgrounding (darker). Table 9. Noun phrase references to the son in Text A76 Without determiner With determiner lo da ‘son CONTR’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ lo so ‘son DET.M’ dan ɗe ‘him.INDP SW.TOP’ blo n si ‘man MOD.M NONSP.M’ dan ɗe ‘him.INDP SW.TOP’ saba ngɨn so ‘friend of.him DET.M’ dan da ‘him CONTR’ haɗi so ‘thief DET.M’ dan ɗe ‘him.INDP SW.TOP’ saba ngɨn so ‘friend of.him DET.M’ saba so ‘friend DET.M’ Sentence 1.1 1.3 4.1 10.1 13.4 13.8 16.1 19.2 19.5 21.1 21.6 27.1 Episode Orientation Orientation Dev. Ep. 1 Dev. Ep. 3 Dev. Ep. 4 Dev. Ep. 5 Dev. Ep. 5 Dev. Ep. 7 Pre-Peak Pre-Peak Peak Peak The final instance of the topic backgrounding reference pattern is in Text A06,20 the only time it occurs with a minor participant. In the denouement of this text, the protagonist (also “the 20 Text A76 and Text A06 were collected from the same speaker; Text I19 is from a different speaker. 28 son”) regains his house from his ex-wife’s boyfriend (a minor participant), who had gone into debt to purchase the house, but could not repay his debt. The boyfriend then goes off into the bush and is never seen again. This minor participant has been salient in the peak, but in the denouement his actions are no longer central to the narrative, so he is initially referenced without the determiner (as expected for a non-salient minor participant): (11) 40.1 Gako do next blo man a sa tɨn 3SGM.PFV sit a PREP fɨn… hut ‘Then [the] man (boyfriend) sat in his room…’ A couple sentences later, however, he is referenced with topic backgrounding: (12) 41.3 Dan ɗe wa 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP things.CONC nda, first.of.all no 3SGF.PFV ya become yo DET.PL rɨ 3SGM.IO a ka 3SGM.PFV find lɨ PRO wa not do, CONJ shargu… illness ‘Him (the boyfriend), the money he didn’t find it, well, he became ill [because of it]…’ At this point in the narrative the boyfriend has become a parallel to the son, just as the son’s wife and the cousin parallel each other (see §3.1.4). As a thematic parallel to the protagonist, the boyfriend now has some inherent salience, and Sentence 41.3 in particular directly parallels actions that the son took earlier in the narrative, even using some of the same wording. The last time shargu ‘illness’ was referenced in the narration was when the son’s father, before he died, followed his own advice about trusting women (advice that the son ignored in the inciting episode). The last time wa yo ‘things DET.PL’ occurred was at the transition point of the text, where it referred to the father’s money that the son was looking for but could not find (the same money referenced here, but this time the boyfriend can’t find it). All these elements contribute to the thematic salience of the boyfriend here, but his actions are still not advancing the plot. Since 29 he occurs as the topic, there is the same issue with using regular determiner marking that was discussed for major participants. Using a regular noun phrase with no determiner, however, would not draw the audience’s attention to his thematic salience. In this case, the best fit is using topic backgrounding, even though the boyfriend is still a minor participant. 3.1.4 Minor participants The characteristic pattern for minor participants is that they are introduced with the determiner (if identifiable) and then marked with the determiner if they are involved with the current action, otherwise no determiner occurs. Fifteen of twenty-five minor participants (including episodic major participants) are introduced with the determiner; of those, ten are only referenced when they are directly involved in the current action, so they take the determiner every time they occur. Six other minor participants who are introduced without the determiner (because of identifiability) are either always marked with the determiner after their introduction or are only unmarked when they are not directly involved in the events of the narrative. These sixteen referents follow the characteristic pattern for minor participants. The sultan in Text A76 is a good example of this. The conflict of this text revolves around a man who steals the sultan’s magical ram, and the sultan is introduced in the second sentence without the determiner, as the possessor of the ram (which is marked with the determiner): (13) 1.2 Sam ram ngɨ of me sultan nda be.at lɨ PRO so… DET.M ‘The ram of [the] sultan there…’ The next two times the sultan is referenced is when the prince, his son, is introduced, and neither reference to the sultan includes the determiner: 30 (14) 19.3 …e 3PL.PFV ka meet lo ngɨ son of me… sultan ‘…they met [the] son of [the] sultan…’ 19.4 Meyna prince n MOD.M aba ngɨdan father of.them a 3SGM.PFV madɨ… die ‘[It was] the prince who when his father dies…’ Here the sultan is only mentioned to establish who the prince is, so the narrator does not need to draw attention to him. The final two noun phrase references to the sultan occur in the peak, where the sultan is directly involved, and both references are marked with the determiner: (15) 21.3 …e 3PL.PFV ɗɨ rɨ put 3SGM.DO tɨn a ground PREP gako rogɨ me in.front of sultan so… DET.M ‘…they put him (the thief) down in front of the sultan…’ (16) 26.1 Aba father so DET.M a 3SGM.PFV la go tɨn think nondo a.long.time ‘The father (sultan) thought for a while…’ Several minor or episodic major participants follow the characteristic pattern except for instances which have already been discussed: the prince in Text A76 (post-introductory exception and topic backgrounding), the poor man in Text A76 (topic backgrounding), and the boyfriend in Text A06 (topic backgrounding). One additional participant (the soldiers in Text A76) doesn’t receive determiner marking on their only noun phrase reference, although in another instance (Text H93) soldiers are considered identifiable in relationship to a sultan who has already been introduced (which is the case in Text A76). These soldiers, although involved in the narrative, are clearly not important enough for the narrator to draw attention to them through determiner marking, and they are never referenced with a noun phrase again so there is 31 no opportunity for further determiner marking. This is similar to some types of non-salient props, discussed in §3.2.4. The remaining five minor participants have an exception to the characteristic pattern involving either thematic salience or future relevance (these categories of exceptions are also relevant for props, discussed in §3.2.3 and §3.2.5). Three participants are marked with the determiner where they are not directly active for thematic reasons, and another two participants are not marked with the determiner when they are active for reasons of immediate future relevance (one of those exceptions also relates to the theme). Three exceptions occur in Text A06, two thematic exceptions and one future relevance exception. The characters of the mother and cousin in this text are both marked with the determiner for thematic reasons, and the father is not marked because of immediate future relevance that also relates to the theme. In this text, a son lies to his father about what kind of woman he married, and then while he is away his father gets deathly ill. The father is marked with the determiner at this point: (17) 4.6 Sɨ ro so, k'ani aba so ɨl le go rɨ wa. day MOD.F NONSP.F then father DET.M 3SGF.NEUT be.good with him not ‘One day, the father wasn’t feeling well.’ But in the next sentence he is not marked with the determiner: (18) 4.7 …a bia 3SGM.PFV attend shargu illness rogɨ of aba ngɨdan father of.them do he DET.F LP wa. not ‘…[the son] wasn’t there during his father’s illness.’ After this the narrator begins a scene where the father is directly involved, but the focus of the scene is setting up a thematic contrast between the father’s wife (the son’s mother) and the son’s wife. The lack of determiner marking for the father immediately before this scene is a way of 32 preparing the audience to focus on something other than the father’s actions in the following sentences (this is similar to the soldiers in Text H93, discussed in §3.2.5). In contrast, the mother, who is not really acting in the scene at all, is marked with the determiner: (19) 4.8 …k'ani ya rogɨ en lo so do a do dɨ… then mother of them son DET.M DET.F 3SGM.PFV drive.away 3SGF.DO ‘…then the mother of the son, he (the father) sent her away…’ After the father dies, the son returns and wants to know where his father’s money is. He first asks his mother, and it is interesting that here where the mother actually speaks in the text, she is not marked with the determiner: (20) 6.7 A ke gɨ 3SGM.NEUT ask ya rogɨdan mother of.them gi… that ‘He (the son) asked his mother…’ The mother’s salience in the narrative is entirely thematic, rather than coming from her involvement in the action. In Sentence 4.8 she helps illustrate that the father is following his own advice not to trust certain types of women, which contrasts with the son not following his father’s advice (which gets him in trouble). The mother’s actions in Sentence 6.7 are not important (she says she doesn’t know where the money is), but what she represents in the narrative in Sentence 4.8 (how to treat women who shouldn’t be trusted) is important, and this is reflected in the determiner marking. When the son next asks his wife about what his father said, she deceives him. The son can’t find the money anywhere and decides to visit his uncle for help. After chastising the son for not listening to his father, the uncle suggests a plan. His daughter will return with the son and pretend to be deaf and mute, so that she can follow the son’s wife around and discover where the 33 money is. In exchange, the son must promise to marry her. The first time this cousin is referenced with a noun phrase (outside of direct speech) is after she overhears the wife discussing her scheme of what to do with the money:21 (21) 31.2 Aro then ngwi deaf.person do ɗe DET.F SW.TOP ndal shin go dam. IPFV.3SGF hear well ‘Well the deaf girl, she heard [it] well.’ The second reference is a few sentences later, when the cousin follows the son to tell him about what she overheard: (22) 32.1 Ngo ro when kadɨ follow yaga dɨ shafu VOL.3SGM gather straw k'ani then ngwi do no deaf.person DET.F 3SGF.PFV rɨ. 3SGM.DO ‘When he went to gather straw, then the deaf girl followed him.’ Both references are marked with the determiner, which is expected since the cousin is directly involved in the narrative at this point. The next noun phrase references to the cousin occur in the peak of the narrative, which describes the son and cousin selling their house to the son’s now ex-wife and moving to a garbage dump (after removing the father’s buried money from the house): 21 In this reference, the determiner may also help to highlight the irony of a “deaf person” who “hears well”. 34 (23) 39.4 …ndei IPFV.3PL abana uncle sa he dwell a lɨ cokoy, PREP PRO IDEO ngɨdan do, of.them DET.F gɨrɨm wife dan 3SGM.INDP nogɨn of.him go and no 3SGF.PFV lo daughter rogɨ of zoli do. … be.mad DET.F ‘…they lived there, he and the daughter of his uncle, his wife who was [pretending to be] crazy.’ … 39.6 Lo son go with so DET.M kagey i lɨ s'e a before 3PL.NEUT come outside PREP ho house do DET.F ngwi do... deaf.person DET.F ‘The son, before they moved out of the house, with the deaf girl…’ The cousin is not truly active here (and hasn’t been for some time); she is just going along with the son, not taking actions or making choices herself. However, all three references to her in this section are marked with the determiner, and one reference to the son is not marked with the determiner (a discourse boundary exception discussed in §3.1.2). By this time there is a clear parallel established between the son’s wife (the wrong kind of woman to marry) and the cousin (the right kind of woman to marry), and the moral of the story is that bad things happen when you ignore your father’s advice and marry the wrong woman. The determiner marking here may serve to emphasize this parallel, especially by drawing attention to the fact that the son is now with the right kind of girl, as well as helping the audience keep track of the cousin, who has been referenced with a number of different descriptions. The final reference to the cousin comes in the denouement, and is marked with the determiner for the same reason, especially since it occurs right before the moral of the text is stated: 35 (24) 45.7 …a tɨ 3SGM.PFV return abana uncle ngɨdan of.them ho house rogɨn do of.him DET.F bɨlɨm again go with lo rogɨ daughter of do… DET.F ‘…[the son] went back to his house again with the daughter of his uncle…’ The third thematic exception occurs in Text I19, also right before the moral of the story. The hare’s children are introduced without the determiner in the opening sentence, and then are marked with the determiner in the next sentence, which begins the inciting episode: (25) 1.1 …msɨlwo hare no 3SGF.PFV wa lɨ give.birth PRO le. children ‘…a hare had given birth to [her] children there.’ 1.2 Le children yo DET.PL e 3PL.PFV ndɨ see arfu… elephant ‘The children saw [the] elephants…’ The next time the children are referenced is right before the conclusion, in a restatement of the situation from the beginning of the narrative: (26) 31.1 Ɗama ndo but it’s yo DET.PL shora da solution CONTR ɨl ha 3SGF.NEUT do no 3SGF.PFV dan 3PL.IO hɨn do gi that le children ngɨdɨ of.her katɨ protection ‘But it was a solution she did so that her children, she would protect them.’ The children are not actually in this scene, but are thematically salient because this is a transition into the conclusion and makes direct reference to the beginning of the text. This will be discussed further in §3.3. 36 Finally, the second future relevance exception occurs in Text E71. In this text, after a man saves a dog (who is actually a person), the dog takes the man to the underworld to be rewarded by his father, the sultan of the underworld. After they enter the underworld and find the sultan on his throne, the dog and his father have a short conversation: (27) 6.6 Aba father ngɨdan of.them so, DET.M nda, a already 3SGM.PFV sa tɨn a gol sit on dɨge chair tas… IDEO ‘His father sat on [the] royal throne…’ 6.7 Gako do next a 3SGM.PFV dɨ ni go a 3SGM.PFV ɗɨ greet aba father ngɨdan… of.them ‘Then he (the dog) went and greeted his father…’ The father is marked with the determiner the first time he is referenced, but not during the conversation in Sentence 6.7. The father is identifiable at his introduction because the dog has previously mentioned him, so the determiner marking identifies him as a minor participant who will be salient. However, he does not truly participate in the events of the narrative for another two episodes. After introducing him with the determiner as a minor participant, the narrator does not draw further attention to him until the episode where he is directly involved, and he is again marked with the determiner: (28) 9.1 …a do 3SGM.PFV bring rɨ 3SGM.DO gɨ PREP aba ngɨdan father of.them so ho. DET.M LP ‘…[the dog] brought him (the man) before his father.’ There are three subsequent noun phrase references to the father that are all marked with the determiner, which is expected since he is now directly involved in the narrative. A final interesting observation about the minor participants is that there seems to be one participant who is introduced without the determiner but does not fit the identifiability 37 requirement. The wrestler in Text I87 is introduced at the beginning of the first sentence, and although this text is ultimately about a squirrel (the major participant), the wrestler is the first character introduced. Then his wife and her boyfriend are introduced, at which point the wrestler finds out his wife is having an affair. He is referenced with three determiner-marked noun phrases in the orientation: (29) 1.1 Kanu nda wrestling.champion be.at.M lɨ PRO so… DET.M ‘There was a wrestling champion…’ 1.4 Sɨ ro when wi husband so DET.M a 3SGM.PFV ɗa lie.down ngo… place ‘When the husband (wrestler) would sleep there…’ 1.5 …blo man so DET.M a 3SGM.PFV ka find lɨ… PRO ‘…the man (wrestler) found out about it…’ After this the wrestler is involved for a few more sentences but there are no noun phrase references to him, and then he is absent for the rest of the text. The interesting feature is that the wrestler is introduced with the determiner, even though these are the first words of the text, and he can’t be considered identifiable based on the qualifications discussed in §2.3. There are three other texts where referents are marked with a determiner or demonstrative in the opening sentences of a text, but in two texts these referents are clearly identifiable as unique or from context established earlier in the sentence. In Text H93, there are two referents marked with the determiner and one marked with a demonstrative in the opening sentence: 38 (30) 1.1 Mey people.of yo gay n first MOD.PL i 3PL.NEUT DET.PL a PREP bo have wo village fae years ro do DEM.F.PROX yo, DET.PL moe ngɨdan sultans of.them kaɗagɨ. many ‘The first people of this village, their sultans lived many years.’ In the context of telling this story, wo ro do “this village” would be universally identifiable to the audience, and thus “the first people of this village” would also be identifiable. Given that context, moe ngɨdan yo “their sultans” would also be identifiable. Similarly, in Text I19, a location is marked with the determiner after the activity that takes place at that location is introduced: (31) 1.1 Arfu, elephant da CONTR daan (kaɗagɨ) nda dɨ group many 3SGM.IPFV go k'ani then karaga ro woods MOD.F a lɨ PREP PRO nda dɨ 3SGM.IPFV go ni LP sɨmɨn wa, food things.CONC a 3SGM.NEUT sɨm wa eat things.CONC do… DET.F ‘Elephants, a group of them were going to eat, and the woods where they were going to eat there…’ In Text A76, similar to the wrestler in Text I87, there is a referent (in this case a prop) introduced at the beginning of the narrative with an existential statement, and marked with the determiner: (32) 1.2 Sam ram ngɨ of me sultan nda be.at lɨ PRO so… DET.M ‘The ram of [the] sultan there…’ In both these cases, there is no previous context to provide identifiability and these referents are not unique, so they don’t seem to fit the identifiability requirement. One possibility is that this 39 type of existential statement plus determiner is a formulaic story opening that does not need to follow the normal identifiability requirement, although this only occurs in these two texts (of the nine texts analyzed). Analysis of further texts would help clarify if this is a consistent pattern. Another possibility, specifically for the wrestler in Text I87, is that it has something to do with the difference in introduction between major and minor participants. Most major participants are introduced in the opening sentence without the determiner, whereas most minor participants are introduced with the determiner (since they are already identifiable), and not usually in the opening sentence. Although the wrestler is not identifiable at his introduction, he may be marked with the determiner to indicate that he is actually a minor participant, even though he occurs where a major participant would be expected. These two possibilities are not mutually exclusive. In the original version of this text, before it was edited for use in literacy materials, there was a different introductory sentence where the wrestler was not marked with the determiner. So the determiner here does seem to have been added in the editing process, and this construction could have been used specifically to allow determiner marking. 3.2 Props The other major category of referents, besides participants, is props. Props are primarily objects and locations but can also be characters who are not active enough to be minor participants. There are sixty-eight props in the seven regular texts, of which thirty-nine always take the determiner (when they are identifiable), twenty-three never take the determiner, and six sometimes do and sometimes don’t. Like participants, a prop is usually salient if it has direct involvement in the current action of the narrative. This could be an object that is directly involved in events, a location where events are happening, or occasionally a time at which events are happening. Very rarely, it will be a character who is participating in the current action. Most 40 characters who participate in the action of the narrative are not props, but there is one group character in Text H93 that is a prop that still has salient actions. This will be discussed further in §3.2.5 below. As with minor participants, connection to the theme of the narrative and immediate future involvement in the events of the narrative can both affect whether a noun phrase is marked with the determiner. The narrator may also use determiner marking of props for dramatic reasons even if there is not an overt thematic statement. Examples of determiner marking for drama and theme are discussed in §3.2.3, and immediate future relevance is discussed in §3.2.5. Props can also be marked with the determiner to help set the scene or atmosphere of a narrative, discussed in §3.2.2. Unlike most participants, certain props may be involved in the action of a narrative but not marked with the determiner. Either the prop is still not salient enough to merit determiner marking, or there are other referents in the same event that have been marked with the determiner, and this is sufficient to guide the audience’s attention. Examples of these types of non-salient props are discussed in §3.2.4. 3.2.1 Salient props Most props, like most minor participants, are only referenced with a noun phrase in the parts of the narrative where they are involved in the events and are likely to always be marked with the determiner. Of the thirty-nine props that are always marked, only nine take the determiner for a reason other than direct involvement, such as setting or theme. Also like minor participants, most props are identifiable when they are introduced, and salient props are usually introduced with the determiner. Of the forty-five props that are sometimes or always marked with the determiner, thirty-two take the determiner when introduced. And of the thirty props that are always salient because of direct involvement, twenty-one take the determiner the first time they are referenced. 41 The majority of these thirty props only occur a few times in the narrative, because they are only referenced when directly involved in the action. For example, in Text H39, the first two developmental episodes revolve around the wealthy man’s wife trying to buy grain from the farmer’s wife, who is pounding grain on the doorstep of her house. Every time the farmer’s wife hears the wealthy man’s wife coming, she picks up the pestle and starts pounding, so that the wealthy man’s wife would have to take over the chore while the farmer’s wife went to get her some grain. In these two episodes, the pestle is marked with the determiner both times it occurs: (33) 4.2 Ɨl ya go 3SGF.NEUT want gi mɨl that IRR.3SGF i dey seize pestle so DET.M kagey while do. DET.F ‘She (farmer’s wife) wanted her (wealthy man’s wife) to take the pestle while [she got grain for her].’ (34) 5.1 …k'ani then no 3SGF.PFV si dey so bɨlɨm take pestle DET.M again k'o… again ‘…then she (farmer’s wife) took the pestle again…’ Another example of this type of prop is from the inciting episode of Text I87, where the wrestler tricks his wife into accidentally killing her boyfriend with poison. The first reference to poison is not identifiable since this is a new concept, and therefore doesn’t take the determiner. The second reference does take the determiner, at the point when the poison is directly involved in the events: (35) 2.1 …k'ani then a 3SGM.PFV laɓa crush asam… poison ‘…then he crushed up some poison…’ 42 (36) 3.3 Asam poison so DET.M no 3SGF.PFV ga put rɨ 3SGM.IO go he… PREP LP ‘The poison, she put it in [the gruel] for him…’ Some props are connected to the central conflict of a narrative, so they are referenced more frequently than other props in the text. For example, “grain” is referenced four times in Text H39, whereas other props are mentioned twice at most. It is not identifiable the first time it is referenced, but the other three times it is marked with the determiner. The first time the determiner occurs is at the transition point which was discussed in §3.1.2: (37) 2.10 …no dɨ 3SGF.PFV go gɨ PREP msi wahie yo ho… man.of grain DET.PL LP ‘…she (wealthy man’s wife) went to the farmer’s [place]…’ This reinforces the salience of the grain; there is only one other text where a highly salient prop is connected to the discourse boundary exception for a major participant, and that example will be discussed in §3.2.3 below. Another example of this type of prop is the father’s house in Text A06. Apart from the inheritance money (discussed in §3.2.3), no other prop in this text is referenced with a noun phrase more than three times. The father’s house is referenced seven times, all with the determiner, and functions as both a location and an object in the text. It is first referenced when the son is looking for his father’s money but cannot find it at the house: (38) 6.5 …a ndɨ nɨman no so a ho do 3SGM.PFV see money MOD.F NONSP.F PREP house DET.F ‘…he didn’t see any money at the house.’ wa. not 43 Here, it is the location for the current action. The next time the house is referenced with a noun phrase is as an object, when the son’s wife convinces him to sell it: (39) 38.1 Gako do next ho house do DET.F e 3PL.PFV do wo. put up for sale ‘Then the house they put [it] up for sale.’ There are four references in the peak, all as a location, when the son and his cousin are moving out (taking the inheritance money with them) while the ex-wife and her boyfriend are moving in (expecting the money to be buried in the house). The final reference to the house is at the end of the denouement, where the son and the cousin finally return to the house, having outwitted the ex-wife and her boyfriend: (40) 45.7 …a 3SGM.PFV tɨ ho rogɨn do return house of.him DET.F bɨlɨm… again ‘…he (the son) went back to his house again…’ Because the house, both as an object and as a location, stays involved in the events of the narrative through various episodes, it is consistently marked with the determiner. 3.2.2 Settings Certain props are marked with the determiner even when no direct action is taking place, because they are establishing the setting or background of the events. This is often early in a text; in Text H39 and Text I19, the setting location is referenced at the beginning of the text, and in Text I19 it occurs again at the end. Both locations are marked with the determiner where they occur. In Text H39 the setting is the village where the participants live: 44 (41) 2.5 …wo ro nde lɨ do wahie i ɗala village MOD.F be.at.PL PRO DET.F grain 3PL.NEUT be.not a lɨ… PREP PRO ‘…the village where they were, there was no grain there…’ Although this occurs in the inciting episode and not the orientation, it is the first time a setting for the story is given. In Text I19, the woods that the elephants are trying to go through to find food are referenced in the very first sentence and in the very last sentence, both times with the determiner: (42) 1.1 …k'ani then karaga woods ro MOD.F nda 3MSG.IPFV dɨ go ni LP a 3MSG.NEUT sɨm eat do… DET.F wa a lɨ thing.CONC.PL PREP PRO ‘…and the woods where they were going to eat there…’ (43) 32.2 …e si 3PL.PFV take karaga woods rogɨdan do of.them DET.F e 3PL.PFV dɨ go ni. LP ‘…they took their woods [path] and went on.’ The woods are identifiable in the first sentence because it has already been mentioned that the elephants are going looking for food, and this is where they are looking for it. In Text H39, the village is identifiable at its introduction because the participants have already been introduced, and this is the village where they live. Settings are not always a location, however. They can be people or objects described as background for events in the text, or background actions that take place during the main actions. In the orientation of Text H93 there is additional background information, besides the location of 45 the story, which is necessary to introduce the major participant and understand the inciting episode: (44) 1.1 Mey gay n people.of first MOD.PL a PREP wo village ngɨdan yo i bo of.them DET.PL 3PL.NEUT have ro do DEM.F.PROX yo, DET.PL moe sultans fae kaɗagɨ. years many ‘The first people of this village, their sultans lived many years.’ 1.2 K'ani then me sɨ sultan NMOD.M tia olden.times n si… MOD.M NONSP.M ‘Then one sultan of olden times…’ Here the village is introduced as the location setting and is marked with a demonstrative. The sultans as a group are also introduced with the determiner, setting the stage for what this text is about. The old sultan, however, although he is an important part of setting up the text, is not marked with the determiner. Instead, he is introduced as me sɨ tia n si ‘sultan NMOD.M olden times MOD.M NONSP.M’. He could have been marked with the determiner, since “the sultans” were already mentioned, but he would have looked like a minor participant. Introducing him without the determiner and without si ‘NONSP.M’ would have looked more like the introduction of a major participant. In this case, the need to indicate that the sultan would not play a further role in the narrative seems to overrule use of the determiner to mark an important part of the setting. Finally, in Text A76, the actions of the villagers provide a backdrop to the events of the narrative (see Sentences 13.4-13.7, 21.1-21.7 in Appendix D). The villagers, or a subset of them, are referenced six times in these two sections, always with the determiner. None of their actions contribute to the plot, but they do provide the noisy background to the events: beating drums, 46 gathering around the thief, and gossiping about him. The last of these references occurs at the beginning of the peak, where the prince starts his speech by telling the people to be quiet: (45) 21.7 K'ani then a gɨ megɨ 3SGM.PFV say people yo DET.PL gi : that « Sa! » quiet ‘Then he (the prince) said to the people, “Quiet!”’ This is the last time the villagers are referenced in the narrative, and it is somewhat surprising that the villagers are marked with a determiner here especially since future relevance is a factor that affects determiner marking. However, the narrator has specifically drawn attention to the noisy background of the events with previous determiner marking of the villagers, and is now drawing attention to the sudden change in background when it becomes quiet to begin the peak episode. 3.2.3 Theme and drama Another factor that contributes to determiner marking for props is connection to the theme or dramatic tension at that point in the narrative. This can cause determiner marking for a prop that is not involved in the current action, or prevent determiner marking for a prop that is clearly involved. A good comparison to make regarding theme is between Text A06 and Text A76, which were told by the same narrator. Both texts begin with statements about a father giving his son advice:22 (46) A06 1 Lo da aba son CONTR father ngɨdan of.them a gɨ rɨ gi… 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that ‘A son, his father says to him…’ 22 Although the opening sentence of Text A76 is actually a title or summary of the text, it clearly functions in the discourse to introduce several referents (son, father, advice); since the son (the major participant) is referenced with the determiner the next time he appears, two sentences later. Thus, the advice can also be considered identifiable in its next reference (see example (49) below). 47 (47) A76 1.1 Lo son da CONTR aba father ngɨdan of.them rɨ wasi… 3SGM.IO advice a fo 3SGM.PFV give ‘The son his father gave him advice…’ Then both go on to reference that advice again within a few sentences: (48) A06 2 Lo so a shin gɨ son DET.M 3SGM.PFV hear amsɨ ngɨ aba so wa… word of father DET.M not ‘The son didn’t listen to the advice of [his] father…’ (49) A76 2.1 Aba ngɨdan a fo rɨ wasi… father of.them 3SGM.PFV give 3SGM.IO advice ‘His father gave him this advice…’ Though these two texts are similar at the outset, only Text A06 marks the father’s advice with the determiner, even though the references in both texts are identifiable. This indicates a significant difference between the texts. Text A06 centers its conflict on the son disobeying the specific advice his father gave him by marrying the wrong kind of woman and lying about it. It is also one of the texts that states an explicit moral, where the father’s advice is referenced again, this time with a demonstrative: (50) 46.3 Nda so amsɨ DEM.M.PROX word n MOD.M aba father ngɨdan of.them a 3SGM.PFV gɨ say rɨ… 3SGM.IO ‘That was advice that his father told him…’ In contrast, the son in Text A76 actually follows his father’s advice, and the conflict revolves around the consequences of the son stealing the sultan’s ram. There is no explicit statement of the moral of the story, and although the son steals the ram to test his father’s advice, the content of the advice is less important to the story than the theft. It makes sense, then, that the narrator 48 would not draw extra attention to the advice in Text A76 with determiner marking, but would in Text A06. Determiner marking can also be used to increase dramatic effect, whether the determiner occurs with props that are not directly active or doesn’t occur with props that are. A good example of this comes again from Text A06, where there is another instance of a prop that is central to the conflict and occurs frequently throughout the narrative. The father’s money is referenced with a noun phrase 13 times in the text, more than any other prop, including the father’s house discussed in §3.2.1. All of these references except four are marked with the determiner, and one of those four is its non-identifiable introduction. The second reference not marked with the determiner is marked as non-specific, where it functions as a negative quantifier: (51) 6.5 …a ndɨ nɨman no so a ho do 3SGM.PFV see money MOD.F NONSP.F PREP house DET.F wa. not ‘…he didn’t see any money at the house.’ The final two references without the determiner, however, occur at the transition point of this text, previously discussed in §3.1.2, where the son (the protagonist) is similarly not marked with a determiner: (52) 10.2 Blo man ɗe SW.TOP kaɗagɨ, abundant a shin go 3SGM.PFV hear nɨman money ɗe SW.TOP gi that aba father ngɨdan of.them sey bɨskon no except horse MOD.F go with nɨman money pal do… one DET.F ‘The man (i.e. the son) heard that his father had lots of money, but [the] money, except for the one horse…’ 49 In contrast, bɨskon no pal do ‘horse MOD.F one DET.F’, which was introduced two sentences ago in direct speech and never appears again, does take the determiner. There seems to be a confluence of factors here that result in two references to the father’s money without the determiner. The first is that this is the transition point, and the money is as important, compared to other props, as the son is compared to other participants. This is not the only time a highly salient prop has been connected to a discourse boundary exception (the grain in Text H39, discussed in §3.2.1). Then there is the fact that the money itself will not be directly involved in the actions of the narrative for the next several episodes. As discussed in §3.2.5 below, props that are directly involved when they are mentioned but cease to be involved immediately after are sometimes not marked with the determiner. The final factor that seems to be contributing here, especially when combined with the determiner marking of the horse, is dramatic effect. At this point in the text, the father’s money has disappeared, and the only ones who know where it is are the son’s wife and the narrator. Will the son ever find his father’s money and outsmart his lying wife? Or is “the one horse” really all that is left? Not marking nɨman ‘money’ with the determiner, and instead marking bɨskon ‘horse’, seems to emphasize this dramatic tension. Two other texts use determiner marking for dramatic effect near the end of the narrative. Neither text has an explicit moral or conclusion, but both have an ending that makes a very specific statement and uses determiner marking to help make that statement. In Text E71, most of the text has focused on a man being rewarded for saving a dog who is actually a person. The dog’s father, the sultan of the underworld, gives the man a magic ring able to fill crates with money, but warns him about the specific conditions that will cause the money to dry up: 50 (53) 15.6 « Gɨrɨm wife k'ani then no MOD.F wi husband e 3PL.PFV so DET.M fo give wi husband a 3SGM.PFV no 3SGF.PFV ji reject we give.birth lo pal, son one gɨdɨ do, tag PREP.her DET.F PROH.2SG si wa! » take not ‘“A woman that they gave her in marriage and she gave birth to one son, then the husband, he divorced her, don’t marry [her]!”’ In the denouement, the man breaks these conditions by marrying the wrong woman, and eventually loses everything. The woman he marries is introduced like this: (54) 16.2 …gɨrɨm no e fo woman MOD.F 3PL.PFV give k'ani then wi husband so DET.M wi husband a madɨ 3SGM.PFV die no we lo 3SGF.PFV give.birth son ɗama but lo son so DET.M pal, one nda lɨ. be.at.M PRO ‘…a woman that they had given her in marriage and she had given birth to one son, then the husband died but the son was still living.’ Neither the woman’s previous husband nor her son is an actual participant or even a prop that is directly involved in the narrative here, yet they are still marked with the determiner. Since this occurs as part of the description of how this woman fills the conditions that the protagonist was just warned against, it seems that this determiner marking is functioning to draw the audience’s attention to this fact. Text H39 uses determiner marking to prepare the audience for a very different kind of ending. In this text, the conflict centers around a wealthy man and a farmer who have swapped wives, and the wealthy man and his new wife are trying to buy grain from the farmer and his new wife. In the peak of the narrative the wealthy man succeeds in buying grain, which resolves the 51 conflict but is not the actual point of the narrative. The final sentences make it clear that this story has been building to a joke the whole time, when the farmer tricks the wealthy man into exposing himself: (55) 12.8 Gako do next k'ani then a 3SGM.PFV a 3SGM.PFV kɨ mbala take.out arm ɗɨ put mdugusu buttock ɨl NMOD.F lugu s'e gandura outside fogɨ all s'e. outside ‘Then he (the wealthy man) took his arm out of [the] gandura and exposed a buttock.’ Unlike in the previous text, with a joke ending the narrator does not want to let the punchline slip too early. To that effect, none of the references to the wealthy man’s gandura (robe) are marked with the determiner, even though it is referenced multiple times; this makes it appear to be a nonsalient prop (see §3.2.4). The gandura is first mentioned at the beginning of the peak: (56) 8.2 Dan da 3SGM.INDP CONTR a dɨ 3SGM.PFV go ni LP go with lugu gandura rogɨn. of.him ‘Him, he went there with his gandura.’ In Text A76 there is a similar introduction of a man’s gandura that does take the determiner, so it is reasonable to assume that this gandura would also be identifiable and therefore could have taken the determiner. A few sentences later, there is an aside that clarifies that people only wore ganduras, not trousers, at that time: (57) 12.2 (Mey tia ɗe e people.of olden.times SW.TOP 3PL.PFV bo have yanke wa. trousers not ‘([The] people of olden times, they didn’t have trousers. 52 12.3 Ndo it’s lugu gandura s'agɨ, only lugu gandura ɨl NMOD.F alin.) colour It was just [the] gandura, [the] colored gandura.)’ As discussed in §3.3 below, asides usually have their topic marked with the determiner. In this aside, however, there are no determiners. Every time ganduras are mentioned in this text, there is no determiner marking. I propose that this is precisely because the gandura is central to the joke at the end of the text, and the narrator does not want to prematurely draw too much attention to the fact that the wealthy man is wearing a gandura, because the audience might guess the punchline before it occurs. 3.2.4 Non-salient props Direct involvement, setting, theme, and dramatic effect are all factors that usually result in a prop being marked with the determiner. There are plenty of props, however, that are never marked with the determiner. Of the 68 props in the seven regular texts that could take a determiner (because they are identifiable), 23 never do. Two of these have already been discussed: the old sultan who is part of the setting in Text A76 (§3.2.2), and the gandura in Text H39 that is part of the punchline of the text (§3.2.3). The primary reason that the remaining 21 props do not take the determiner is that, even if they are in some way involved in the current action, they are not salient to the narrative. Some are just inherently unimportant, and although they are part of the story, the audience does not need to pay special attention to them. Other props may seem salient, but because there are already other props marked with the determiner in the same scene, marking these props would be extraneous. The narrator has already done enough to guide the audience’s attention where it needs to be. 53 The first category, props that are inherently non-salient, are primarily props that show up briefly in the text, often in a single episode. For example, at the beginning of Text E71 there are two unmarked mentions of food, a prop that has no role in the rest of the story:23 (58) 1.1 …e hɨn gwalam 3PL.PFV do eating.circle lu come i sɨm use k'ani 3PL.NEUT eat food then a sa msun gi i la 3SGM.PFV put begging that 3PL.NEUT cut kɨlew a dog 3SGM.PFV rɨ 3SGM.IO use. food ‘…[some people] had formed an eating circle, they were eating food, then a dog came and begged so that they would give him food.’ Some inherently non-salient props occur in multiple episodes of the text, like lala ‘(the) bush’ in Text A76. This location is referenced twice (see Sentences 4.3-5 and 10.1 in Appendix D), but nothing important occurs there, so neither reference is marked with the determiner. The second category, props where determiner marking would be extraneous, is easiest to demonstrate by comparison with the related props that do take the determiner. In the peak of Text A06, when the son and the cousin move out of their house, they dig up the inheritance money and fill in the pit where it was with thorns. When the ex-wife and her boyfriend move in, they go to dig up the money and find thorns instead. Both the pit and the thorns are referenced with a noun phrase three times in the peak (see Sentences 39.7-39.10 in Appendix B), but the pit is marked with a determiner each time while the thorns are not. In this section the pit and the thorns seem to be equally involved in the actions that are taking place, but the narrator has chosen to mark only the pit with the determiner. This is sufficient to draw the audience’s attention to the events that are taking place, and since the thorns are not inherently salient to Because this sentence includes both mention of an eating circle and the verb ‘eat’ before food is mentioned for the first time, it is reasonable to think that both references to food are identifiable and could have had the determiner. 23 54 those events (they could just as easily be weeds, or snakes, or rags, etc.), it is not necessary for them to additionally be marked with the determiner. Another example of this type occurs in Text I87, when the squirrel uses the corpse to trick some men into giving him honey. The squirrel first asks the men to give him some honey, but they refuse, so he tricks them into thinking they have accidentally killed the already-dead body. They pay him to get rid of the body: (59) 17.2 Gako do next mam nogɨdan honey of.them do DET.F e fo 3PL.PFV give rɨ 3SGM.IO go with nɨman. money ‘Then their honey they gave him, with money.’ Both nɨman ‘money’ and mam ‘honey’ are identifiable, and both are directly involved in the current action, but only honey is marked with the determiner. It is worth noting that honey was what the squirrel originally asked for, and that mam nogɨdan do ‘honey of them DET.F’ is topicalized in a pre-subject noun phrase, which also increases its inherent salience. 3.2.5 Future relevance The final factor that can affect determiner marking for props is whether that prop is salient in the immediate future of the narrative, generally meaning the next few sentences or following episode. Not having immediate future relevance can result in props that are involved in the current action not being marked with the determiner. This factor is related to attention guidance, and specifically the fact that the narrator knows what is coming next in the narrative, and the audience does not. Omitting determiner marking for props that are not going to be salient in what happens next is a way of preparing the audience to focus their attention elsewhere. The props in this category usually do receive determiner marking somewhere else in the text. 55 An example of this is the soldiers in Text H93. Although they are not significant enough to be a minor participant, they do act twice in the text, as a group. The first time is when the young sultan sends them out to kill all the old men in the village at the end of the inciting episode, and they are marked with the determiner at this point: (60) 6.1 …k'ani then dasi next a shi 3SGM.PFV pour askare ngɨn yo s'e… soldiers of.him DET.PL outside ‘…then he sent his soldiers out…’ The soldiers are directly acting in the narrative, although not on their own initiative, and these actions set the stage for the next two episodes. At the end of episode two the soldiers are mentioned again, when the sultan sends them out to verify that all the old men are dead. They are not marked with the determiner here: (61) 14.2 A shi 3SGM.PFV pour askare wo soldiers village do… DET.F ‘He sent soldiers into the village…’ Although the soldiers are acting similarly, the narrator is about to begin a new episode that focuses on something other than the death of the old men. Since the soldiers’ actions will not be salient in the episode that is about to start, marking them with the determiner here would not help prepare the audience to switch their attention to the new events in the next sentence. Another example of this type comes from Text E71, when the man arrives in the underworld and stays for three days before the sultan gives him the magic ring. This three-day period is mentioned twice, in consecutive sentences at the end of episode three (Sentence 8.8, see Appendix F) and the beginning of the peak (Sentence 9.1). The first mention is marked with the determiner, but the second is not. In Sentence 8.8, the three days are directly involved in the 56 current action because they are the time period over which the current event in the narrative is taking place. Sentence 9.1, however, marks the end of that three-day period and the three days are not salient in the remainder of the text. 3.3 Asides and conclusion statements The last category of referents to consider are those that appear in asides and conclusions or moral statements. Asides are (usually parenthetical) statements of background information that fall outside the orientation. Conclusion or moral statements come near the end of a text and directly tell the audience what lesson they are supposed to learn. Both types of statements represent information the narrator is including specifically because it is significant for the audience. Accordingly, the determiner occurs frequently in asides and conclusions even though the referents being marked are not usually true participants or props, and are often generic rather than specific. This still aligns with the functions of salience marking (the information is important) and attention guidance (the narrator wants the audience to pay attention to this information) that have been proposed. In all nine texts, there were three asides: two in Text H39 and one in Text A76. The aside in Text A76 is a clarification of an alternate term used for a gandura: (62) 18.4 (Dawra gandura so DET.M ndo it’s lugu.) gandura ‘(“Dawra” is a gandura.)’ The determiner occurs here even though this is not a reference to the specific gandura in the narrative but rather a generic reference to the type of gandura that is called dawra. The first aside in Text H39 comes in the inciting episode (Sentences 2.7-2.9, see Appendix G) and is an extended description of how things were in olden times, that is necessary to visualize the events 57 of the following episodes. The topics of the two main sentences, tia do ‘olden times DET.F’ and fɨn so ‘hut DET.M’, are both marked with the determiner. Again, this draws the audience’s attention to the important information that is being communicated, even though it is not part of the main event line. The second aside, Sentences 12.2-12.3 in the middle of the peak, is another clarification about how things were in olden times, this time about the fact that people only wore ganduras and not trousers. Unlike the other two asides, one of which is also about ganduras, neither topic in this aside (mey tia ‘people.of olden.times’, lugu ‘gandura’) is marked with the determiner. As discussed in §3.2.3, I propose that this is deliberate in order to avoid the audience paying too much attention to the rich man’s gandura and guessing the punchline of the text before it is delivered. As far as can be determined from such a small sample, the default determiner marking for asides seems to fall on the topic or topics of the aside. Four texts have explicit conclusion or moral statements, but two of these are the texts with alternate patterns which are discussed in Chapter 4. The two regular texts with conclusion statements are Text I19 and Text A06. There is not as clear a pattern of determiner use as there was for asides, but some generalizations can be made. The first is frequency: in three of the four conclusion sections, the determiner occurs at least twice. The text where it only occurs once is the alternate pattern text where the determiner occurs most infrequently, discussed in §4.1 below. Second, the referents that are marked with the determiner are rarely specific participants or props from the text but are generic referents that correspond with something from the narrative. Text I19’s conclusion says that standing strong will resolve situations with no solution: 58 (63) 31.1 Ɗama but ndo it’s shora da solution CONTR ɨl 3SGF.NEUT yo DET.PL ha do dan 3PL.IO no 3SGF.PFV hɨn do gi that le children ngɨdɨ of.her katɨ protection ‘But it was a solution that she did so that her children, she would protect them.’ 31.2 Kania therefore bo go can ni thing.ABSTR ɨl 3SGF.NEUT lake do each.F dɨ ni go dɨban without shora24 do solution DET.F ɨl 3SGF.NEUT wa. not ‘Therefore, each thing without a solution it can’t go on.’ 31.3 Ni thing.ABSTR sɨran gi before lake each do DET.F ni thing.ABSTR go with shawari dialogue rongo do of.you DET.F go fa gɨ 2SG.PFV cover mɨl IRR.3SGF dɨ go ɨrfu aro heart then ni. LP ‘Each thing with discussion, if you stand strong then your thing will go (be resolved).’ Both “things” marked with the determiner correlate with the hare’s dilemma that has just been resolved. This conclusion also directly references the inciting episode, where the hare’s children asked her what her solution was for the elephants’ imminent arrival, which helps prime the audience to relate the conclusion to the events in the narrative. The conclusion in Text A06 (Sentences 46.1-46.3 in Appendix B) is structured very similarly, with the main idea being that the man who doesn’t listen to his father’s advice will suffer. Three references are marked with the determiner: blo ‘man’ (who doesn’t listen to his father’s advice), nda so ‘this’ (the advice that was given), and ni ‘thing’ (referring to the bad 24 N.B. shora ‘solution’ is masculine. 59 things that happen when you ignore the advice). These references are all generic, but they all correspond clearly to central components of the narrative. This conclusion, like the one in Text I19, also directly references the inciting episode (where the son didn’t listen to his father’s advice). Having established what determiner marking looks like in the seven regular texts, we will now look at the other two texts, where the pattern of determiner marking looks different but follows the same underlying principles of attention guidance and salience. 60 4 Alternate patterns and grammaticalization In this chapter we will consider the remaining two texts, which have alternate patterns of determiner use. The narrators of Text B86 and Text A59 use the determiner for the same underlying reasons as in the texts discussed in Chapter 3, namely attention guidance and salience, but the resulting patterns look significantly different. In the seven ‘regular’ texts, the expected pattern was that every noun phrase whose referent was currently salient would be marked with the determiner, with certain exceptions. We can call this “salience tracking”. In the two texts discussed below, determiner marking occurs less frequently in a pattern we can call “salience flagging”, although the pattern in the two texts is not exactly the same. Text B86 will be discussed in §4.1, and Text A59 will be discussed in §4.2. The next question to consider is why there are different determiner marking patterns, especially if the underlying motivations are the same. I propose that these multiple patterns are a result of the determiner grammaticalization process in Makary Kotoko. §4.3 will provide an overview of previous work on the grammaticalization of determiners, specifically from demonstratives to definite articles. Finally, in §4.4 I will hypothesize how the multiple patterns of determiner use in Makary Kotoko narratives fit into the expected continuum of determiner grammaticalization. 4.1 Text B86: The trick of dog and jackal that they played on hyena Text B86 tells the story of dog and jackal, who take shelter from a storm in hyena’s den and then must escape. There are very few identifiable referents in this text: three participants, one prop, and one generic reference in the conclusion statement. If this text followed the “salience tracking” pattern, we would expect the determiner to occur with these referents everywhere they are salient. For the two major participants, jackal and hyena, we would expect an introduction 61 without the determiner and then consistent determiner marking, unless there was one of the exception types discussed in Chapter 3. Both jackal and hyena are introduced without the determiner (Sentence 1.1, Sentence 3.2) and then take the determiner the next time a noun phrase reference is used (Sentence 1.2, Sentence 3.3), but don’t continue to take the determiner after that (e.g. jackal in Sentence 3.3): (64) 1.1 Kɨlew go dɨla dog and jackal ndei IPFV.3PL dɨ go sam. hunt ‘Dog and jackal went hunting.’ 1.2 K'ani then dɨla jackal so DET.M a ke 3SGM.PFV ask gɨn… PREP.him ‘Then jackal asked him…’ (65) 3.2 …e 3PL.PFV so gɨ enter PREP mashi hyena ho… LP ‘…they entered where hyena was…’ 3.3 Ngo ro when do gɨ whisper e 3PL.PFV so gɨ enter PREP mashi hyena kɨlew dog ga he mouth LP c'amo… softly so ho, DET.M LP k'ani then dɨla jackal a 3SGM.PFV ‘When they entered where hyena was, then jackal whispered quietly in dog’s ear…’ After this there is only one other determiner-marked reference to either participant. Hyena takes the determiner again at the transition point of the narrative, after dog, the minor participant, has left the scene: 62 (66) 8.2 Dɨla jackal a gɨ mashi 3SGM.PFV say hyena so DET.M gi: « Nandɨ! » that look ‘Jackal said to hyena, “Look!”’ There are eight other noun phrase references to jackal and seven other references to hyena throughout the text, none of which are marked with the determiner (e.g. jackal in Sentence 3.3 above). The minor participant, kɨlew ‘dog’, also does not completely fit the salience tracking pattern. Since dog is first referenced in the opening sentence, it aligns with the identifiability requirement that he is not introduced with the determiner. However, the other noun phrase reference to dog (see Sentence 3.3 above) also does not take the determiner, even though it is at the beginning of the episode where dog is most involved in the events of the narrative. Based on the pattern in the other texts, we would expect the determiner to appear with this reference for a minor participant. The two props mostly fit the expected salience tracking pattern, but there are very few references to them, so it’s unclear what would happen with further references. Hyena’s den is introduced without the determiner when dog and jackal take shelter at the end of the inciting episode (wɨlɨm ‘pit’ in Sentence 3.2 above). This reference could arguably have taken the determiner, since hyena is introduced directly before it in the sentence, but it is not outside the pattern that the determiner doesn’t occur. The second reference, using a different word, does take the determiner, at a point in the narrative where the entrance to hyena’s den is directly involved in the action: 63 (67) 7.3 Mashi hyena a la rɨ si25 k'ashi a gey fɨn so… 3SGM.PFV hit 3SGM.IO REFL small PREP in.front.of hut DET.M ‘Hyena just let him pass at the entrance to the room…’ This fits the salience tracking pattern, but as there are only two references it also fits the pattern seen in the major participants of this text. Finally, there is one generic reference marked with the determiner in the conclusion of the narrative: (68) 32 Na do now mashi hyena kɨrma immediately da CONTR a do gɨ 3SGM.PFV run to dɨla jackal ngo do place DET.F a 3SGM.PFV gi that hɨne: « Ha! » do “Ha” ma IRR.3SGM ka find yahe even rɨ. 3SGM.DO ‘Even now if jackal makes just a sound, “Ha!”, hyena runs to the spot looking to catch him.’ This fits the pattern of determiner marking occurring in conclusions; however, in this case the marked referent does not correlate to a particular referent or event in the narrative. It is also notable that both major participants are referenced by name in the conclusion, and neither is marked with the determiner, unlike the direct references in the conclusions discussed in §3.3. Although this text departs in several significant ways from the determiner marking patterns discussed in Chapter 3, the underlying factors of attention guidance and salience still seem to apply. For participants, only the two major participants are marked with the determiner, which happens as soon as they are identifiable, and the minor participant is not marked at all. In this case, just one instance of determiner marking is used to indicate the salience of the major participants over the minor participant. There is also a change in the pattern at the transition Literally, “he hit himself to him”, meaning he (hyena) made himself move for the benefit of dog (so that dog could leave the room). Reflexives often change the meaning of simple verbs. 25 64 point, which fills the same function as the changes discussed in §3.1.2. In the regular texts, because the typical pattern was consistent determiner marking of major participants, the change was no determiner marking. In this text, the typical pattern is not regular marking, so the change is an additional occurrence of the determiner. The determiner marking patterns of props does fit fairly well with the patterns discussed in Chapter 3, although there are not enough references to definitively say the patterns are the same. Determiner marking in the conclusion also partially fits the patterns discussed earlier, although the referent does not correlate directly with something in the text. 4.2 Text A59: The old woman who surpassed Satan Text A59 shares some characteristics with Text B86 and some characteristics with the seven regular texts. This text has a more complicated structure than Text B86, with a secondary narrative within the larger narrative. The main storyline of this text is about a demon, Satan, and how an old woman proves to him that she is worse than anyone else who is doing his work, even Satan himself. The secondary storyline is about a man whom the old woman convinces to believe he is being cheated on by his wife, which results in him attacking the alleged other man, and the whole village ends up fighting in the peak of the secondary storyline. The peak of the main storyline comes when the old woman tells Satan she can make everyone stop fighting, and sets fire to the huts in the village. This is what convinces Satan that she is even worse than him. At first glance, the two major participants (Satan and the old woman) and the two episodic major participants (the two men) seem to fit the salience tracking pattern. They are all introduced without the determiner, and they all take the determiner on every subsequent noun phrase. However, there are far fewer references, on average, to each participant than in the other texts. Each participant is referenced twice with a noun phrase, except for one of the two men, 65 who has two additional determiner references at discourse boundaries (discussed below). This is approximately 1.5 references per hundred clauses, whereas the average for major participants in the other eight texts is about six references per hundred clauses. No other major participant has fewer than three references in any text, even ones with fewer clauses than Text A59, and even the minor participants in the other texts average two references per hundred clauses. It is also instructive to look at where these determiner-marked noun phrase references occur. Satan and the old woman are both introduced without the determiner in the orientation and the inciting episode of the primary storyline, respectively. The next, and final, time they are each referenced with a noun phrase is at the beginning of the peak of the main storyline, where they are both marked with a determiner: (69) 26.6 K'ani gɨlk'a then old.woman do DET.F ɨl gɨ iblisɨ 3SGF.NEUT say Satan so… DET.M ‘Then the old woman said to Satan…’ The two episodic major participants follow a similar pattern. They are both introduced at the beginning of the inciting episode of the secondary storyline, without the determiner, and they are both referenced at the beginning of the peak of the secondary storyline with the determiner. The man who thinks his wife is cheating also has two other noun phrase references, both of which are marked with the determiner. The first occurs at what could be considered the transition point of both storylines, where the old woman calls him over after having hidden the other man’s shoe at his house: 66 (70) 14.2 K'ani then no 3SGF.PFV halbo ho shoe house lu no fe blo come 3SGF.PFV call man n MOD.M no do 3SGF.PFV bring rogɨn so… of.him DET.M ‘Then she came and called the man whose house she took the shoe to…’ The other determiner-marked reference occurs in the peak of the secondary storyline, also at a discourse boundary with a (current) major participant: (71) 26.3 Megɨ ngɨ en a de mio26 so ɗe e s'aga... people of him 3SGM.PFV throw knife DET.M SW.TOP 3PL.PFV rise.up ‘The people of the one who stabbed (the other) rose up…’ It is not entirely clear where the marking of major and episodic major participants in this text falls between the salience tracking pattern established in Chapter 3 and the pattern in §4.1 above. On one hand, only one noun phrase reference is marked with the determiner for each participant after their introduction (not counting the discourse boundary exceptions just discussed), which fits the pattern in Text B86. On the other hand, every noun phrase reference after the introduction of each participant is marked with the determiner, which fits the salience tracking pattern. The use of extra determiner marking at discourse boundaries, however, rather than a lack of determiner marking, does align more with Text B86. The minor participant and props in this text also seem closer to the patterns in Text B86 than salience tracking. There is only one minor participant: the people of the village who fight each other in the peak of the secondary storyline. The people, or some subset of them, are referenced with a noun phrase three times in the text, and none take the determiner, even when 26 N.B. mio ‘knife’ is feminine. 67 they are fighting (see Example 70 above). Similarly, most props do not take the determiner even when they are directly involved in the current action of the narrative. The shoe the old woman hides, the house she hides it at, and the knife used to start the fighting are all mentioned multiple times but are never marked with the determiner. The man’s wife is also mentioned in the peak of that storyline, and not marked with the determiner. In the peak of the primary storyline, however, the huts that the old woman lights on fire and the village (where the huts are) both take the determiner once: (72) 29.2 K'ani ɨl nda then 3SGF.NEUT light gɨ PREP fɨre huts yo cof cof. DET.PL IDEO ‘Then she lit the homes on fire.’ 29.3 Fu fire no 3SGF.PFV s'aga a rise.up PREP wo do… village DET.F ‘Fire rose up in the village…’ The huts are referenced twice more as ho rogɨn ‘house of.him (i.e. each man)’ in Sentence 29.3 and 29.4 but are not marked with the determiner. Fu ‘fire’ also occurs multiple times in this scene, and is not marked with the determiner, although it is just as salient as the huts and the village. The village is referenced two other times, in the orientation and in the peak of the secondary storyline, but is not marked with the determiner. The pattern of determiner marking in Text A59 does not match salience tracking, but there is also more determiner marking overall than in Text B86. Looking at both participants and props, determiner marking occurs at the transition point and then at the beginning of each episode after the transition point, on the two referents that are most salient in that episode. Then there is additional determiner marking at the peak of each storyline, on one referent for the secondary storyline and two referents for the main storyline. This pattern still serves to guide the 68 audience’s attention through the narrative, but the attention-guiding marker (the determiner) occurs less frequently than expected for salience tracking, and more frequently than in Text B86. The determiner appears multiple times in the conclusion of Text A59, where it follows the general pattern discussed in §3.3. It first marks a generic reference that corresponds to the old woman in the text: (73) 31.1 Aro then gɨlk'a old.woman do tag DET.F PROH.2SG ha do dɨ 3SGF.IO rongo of.you aro then mbɨrse trust wa. not ‘Therefore an old woman, don’t trust her.’ It does not occur in the next sentence: (74) 31.2 Gɨlk'a old.woman no so ho 3SGF.PFV enter house mɨl IRR.3SGF kɨl destroy ho rongo. house of.you ‘If an old woman enters your house, she’ll destroy your home. Finally, it occurs twice in the last sentence of the narrative, marking both fitɨna ‘conflict’ (corresponding generally to the events in the text) and hajalae ‘widows’ (again corresponding to the old woman): (75) 31.4 Fitɨna do, conflict DET.F ji rogɨdan, hajalae yo. thing.CONC of.them widows DET.PL ‘Trouble is their thing, widows.’ This pattern of determiner marking fits what we saw in the seven regular texts, so this is one area where Text A59 matches those texts more than Text B86. Looking at these two ‘alternate’ texts in comparison to the seven ‘regular’ texts, it seems clear that there are at least two different patterns of implementing determiner marking to guide 69 the audience to what is salient in the text: salience tracking in the regular texts, and what we might call “salience flagging” in Text B86, with Text A59 falling somewhere in between. The difference between Text A59 and Text B86 might be a result of A59 being a more complicated narrative with more referents overall, or it might be that this text is a hybrid of salience flagging and salience tracking. Having identified these two patterns, we now turn to the question of why there are multiple patterns. I propose that this is a result of the real-time process of the grammaticalization of the determiner in Makary Kotoko, and that Text B86 represents a use of the determiner at an earlier stage on the grammaticalization continuum, the regular texts represent a later stage, and that Text A56 may fall somewhere in between. 4.3 Previous work in determiner grammaticalization Greenberg (1978) proposes a process of grammaticalization that begins with a demonstrative (Stage 0), progresses to a definite article (Stage I), then a specific or ‘non-generic’ article (Stage II), and finally a noun marker (Stage III).27 Greenberg describes distinct stages, but as with most historical processes, languages are not actually static within any one stage even if they are synchronically identified to be at that stage. Thus, “the whole development is to be viewed as a single continuous process marked by certain decisive turning points” (Greenberg 1978: 61). Or to state it another way, this is a continuum rather than a sequence of steps. There are several theories as to how definite articles (Stage I) derive from demonstratives (Stage 0). One view is that definite articles develop from anaphoric demonstratives, which are used to reference an element previously mentioned in the discourse. According to Greenberg, 27 This analysis focuses on the transition from Stage 0 to Stage I but see Schuh (1983) for discussion of Stage II to Stage III transitions in Chadic, as well as some theoretical Proto-Chadic reconstructions of determiners/demonstratives. 70 “[t]he point at which a discourse deictic becomes a definite article is where it becomes compulsory and has spread to the point at which it means ‘identified’ in general, thus including typically things known from context, general knowledge, or as with ‘the sun’ in non-scientific discourse, identified because it is the only member of its class” (1978: 61-2). Another view is that definite articles derive from both anaphoric use of the demonstrative and exophoric use, where a demonstrative refers to elements in the physical environment (De Mulder & Carlier 2011: 526, referencing Lyons 1999). Both of these hypotheses rely on ‘semantic loss’, where the demonstrative occurs in a situation where the deictic information it carries is weak or redundant and allows the emerging definite article to eventually spread to contexts where a demonstrative would not be appropriate. De Mulder & Carlier (2011: 527, referencing Himmelmann 1997) point out several areas that remain unaccounted for in this framework: pure anaphoric demonstratives that never develop into definite articles, a preference for development from the distal demonstrative, and how the shift from direct activation (demonstratives) to indirect activation (definite articles) occurs. They identify several studies28 showing that definite articles derive from demonstratives used not just to neutrally refer to previous elements of the discourse, but with a particular function in the text. Developing definite articles are used “exclusively for important participants of a narrative, in particular when they are not currently in the focus of attention” (De Mulder & Carlier 2011: 527). They argue that this “pragmatic impact” comes from both the use of a determiner in languages with normal zero determination, and the “demonstrative force” the incipient definite article has, both of which attract attention to the referent (2011: 528). By this argument, it is the pragmatic factors which initiate the grammaticalization process, and the semantic loss of deictic 28 Finnish (Laury 1997); Old French and Jamul Diegueño (Epstein 1993); Late Latin (Trager 1932, Selig 1992, Vincent 1997b, Carlier & De Mulder 2010); Latin into Spanish, Portuguese, and Romanian (Faingold 2003) 71 meaning occurs later. Several accounts of grammaticalization (see, e.g., Bybee & Pagliuca 1987, Hopper & Traugott 2003) support the idea that all types of grammaticalization should be viewed as occurring in this order: pragmatic strengthening followed by semantic loss. Studies of the development of definite articles from demonstratives in specific languages that have addressed these pragmatic factors have not all landed on the same exact factors, nor described the trajectory of grammaticalization in exactly the same way, but there are certain significant consistencies. Looking at studies by Laury (1997, Finnish), Epstein (1993 & 1994, Old French, Jamul Diegueño), and Faingold (1993 & 2003, Late Latin into Spanish, Portuguese, and Romanian), the relevant generalizations can be summarized as follows: i. The factors that affect the use of emergent definite articles (Stage 0 → Stage I) are not uniform throughout the process of grammaticalization. ii. Earlier emergent definite articles characteristically mark prominent referents, who are also accessible and/or identifiable. iii. Later emergent definite articles characteristically mark identifiable referents, generally without regard to prominence. iv. The frequency of use of emergent definite articles increases over time, until the definite article is used to mark all or almost all identifiable noun phrases (prototypical Stage I). These studies have addressed other factors (e.g., activation cost) that are relevant in their particular languages, and have explained the pragmatic influence on the grammaticalization process by reference to various discourse or cognitive ideas (e.g., ‘construals’ via Cognitive Grammar; ‘attentional activation’). However, all agree that identifiability is not sufficient to explain the usage of early emergent definite articles, and that discourse factors, in particular prominence, are relevant for those same early definite articles. 72 4.4 Grammaticalization and the Makary Kotoko determiner I propose there is enough evidence to place the Makary Kotoko determiner within this pragmatically motivated view of Stage 0 to Stage I definite article grammaticalization, and that this explains the variations seen between the salience tracking and salience flagging patterns. The first point of agreement is that the Makary Kotoko determiner is clearly related to the demonstrative. The forms of the nominal demonstratives, which include the determiner, were discussed in §2.3, as well as the fact that the demonstratives and the determiner do not co-occur for the same noun phrase (outside of formal inclusion). Although there has been no direct historical linguistic study on this topic in Makary Kotoko, it is reasonable to conclude that the determiner may be a reduced form of the demonstrative (without the deictic component). The second point of agreement is that the patterns of determiner use have been analyzed as dependent on both identifiability and discourse prominence (salience), under the overarching principle of attention guidance. This aligns with the studies discussed above, where identifiability alone cannot account for all uses of the definite article (determiner), and prominence has been identified as the other significant factor. These studies together visualize Stage 0 to Stage I grammaticalization as beginning with a pragmatic extension of the demonstrative to mark prominent referents (who are all identifiable), which then increases in frequency until all identifiable referents are marked and discourse prominence is no longer a factor. I argue that the two distinct patterns seen in Text B86 and the texts in Chapter 3 (with Text A59 possibly falling between the two) fit into this conception of definite article grammaticalization as examples of early and later Stage 0 to Stage I grammaticalization. Clearly, as discussed in Chapter 3, the determiner is not yet obligatorily marking every identifiable noun phrase, thus it cannot be called a fully developed, or “prototypical”, Stage I 73 definite article. That does, however, seem to be its trajectory. The pattern described in §4.1 for Text B86, with minimal determiner marking only on the most salient (prominent) referents, corresponds with what we might expect for a very early emergent definite article. This is where it is purely an extension of the “pointing” function of demonstratives applied in an abstracted manner (Epstein 1993: 129). One of the variations in Makary Kotoko, compared to the other studied languages, is that the forms of the demonstrative and the determiner seem to have (partially) separated much earlier in this process than in the other languages. For those languages, the demonstrative itself still appears in these early uses, with no phonological or morphological modification. Since there is no historical data to study in Makary Kotoko, it is unclear when this separation of forms occurred. The salience tracking pattern in the texts discussed in Chapter 3 shows the determiner occurring much more frequently, with referents that have smaller degrees of salience to the overall text also taking the determiner, and highly prominent referents being marked with the determiner every time they occur rather than just once. This increase in frequency and lower bar for saliency are both characteristics of a later emergent definite article, one that is closer to an obligatory marker of identifiability. As mentioned before, the pattern in Text A59 seems to fall in between these two, as it has more determiner marking than Text B86 and less than the ‘regular’ texts, but seems to align more with the high-saliency requirement (salience flagging) from Text B86. One element that is new to this analysis of the Makary Kotoko determiner, and rarer in discussions of determiner/definite article grammaticalization, is how determiner marking interacts with discourse boundaries. The changes in what this interaction look like also support the idea that determiner marking is becoming more regular and expected. In Text B86, which I propose is the earlier pattern, it was an additional use of the determiner that was unexpected and 74 marked the transition point. In the regular (proposed to be later) pattern, since determiner marking is more frequent and more expected it was the change of expression without determiner marking that indicated the transition point. This is another place where Text A59 is more like Text B86, since additional determiner marking rather than omission was used at discourse boundaries. It is plausible that in Makary Kotoko multiple stages of definite article grammaticalization could be seen in texts recorded from different speakers in the same year, especially since the speaker of the text with the oldest-seeming pattern (Text B86) was certainly the oldest speaker of this group, at more than a hundred years old, and came from a village outside the central village of Makary.29 The speaker of Text A59 was also quite old (exact age unknown) but came from a neighborhood within Makary itself. This speaker also contributed two other texts, which followed the regular salience tracking pattern. In summary, there are two patterns of determiner distribution in Makary Kotoko narratives, salience tracking and salience flagging. Salience tracking is the more common pattern, occurring in seven of the nine texts analyzed. Salience flagging appears clearly in Text B86, with Text A59 showing some similarities to both patterns but not completely following one or the other. In this chapter we have examined how these two patterns may be the result of the process of determiner grammaticalization in Makary Kotoko. 29 It was suggested to me that this village may be more conservative in its dialect, as it is near a town that was excluded from Allison’s (2020) data corpus because of dialectal variations. However, the identified variations were phonological, so it is unclear if that dialect is conservative in other ways, or how much it has influenced the village of Biamo (where Text B86 was recorded). 75 5 Conclusion This analysis has described the distribution of the determiner in Makary Kotoko narrative texts and has related this distribution to the underlying principles of attention guidance and salience. The primary pattern of distribution is “salience tracking”, where participants and props are marked with a determiner on every noun phrase reference while they are salient. For both participants and props, direct involvement in the current action of the narrative is the main indicator of salience. However, because the narrator is also using determiner marking to guide the attention of the audience, other factors can influence whether or not a particular noun phrase receives the determiner. Connection to the theme or moral of the narrative or a lack of immediate future relevance can both affect the expected determiner marking. For major participants in particular, exceptions can also occur soon after their introduction or at a discourse boundary like the transition point. All these changes to the normal distribution pattern help the narrator guide the audience’s attention through the narrative, both by highlighting what is salient now and by preparing them for what will be salient next. This salience tracking pattern was found in seven of the nine texts analyzed, while the remaining two texts showed somewhat different distribution patterns. These patterns were still following the principles of salience and attention guidance, but the narrators used less of a salience tracking distribution and more of a “salience flagging” distribution, where salient props and participants were marked once with the determiner, but not repeatedly. Text B86 showed this most strongly, while Text A59 was inconclusive but seemed to share some characteristics of both patterns. It was proposed in Chapter 4 that the existence of two different distribution patterns may be a result of the process of determiner grammaticalization in Makary Kotoko, with salience flagging pattern representing an earlier stage in the process and salience tracking representing a 76 later stage. More investigation is needed to confirm this hypothesis, but it does fit several characteristics of determiner grammaticalization described from other languages. Regardless of whether this explanation is correct, the analysis does shed light on a determiner in the early stages of grammaticalization, which is an under-described phenomenon, and contributes to the larger discussion of early-stage determiners. Other areas of future research could be pursued both in Makary Kotoko and in related languages. This analysis only looked at the function of the determiner in narratives, so it would be beneficial to examine other genres of texts in Makary Kotoko and see if these same principles apply. Another related question in Makary Kotoko is whether this use of the determiner has any effect on the choice of referring expression (i.e., participant reference patterns), since the determiner can only modify full noun phrases, independent pronouns, and proper names. Looking at Chadic languages more broadly, other analyses have mentioned pragmatic motivations for various determiners, demonstratives, or articles (see the introduction to Chapter 3). Future research could determine if these languages have similar distributions and motivating factors in narratives as Makary Kotoko, or if not, what the similarities and differences are. Whatever the case, I hope that this analysis will be of use to the speakers and researchers of Makary Kotoko, as well as those interested in the various linguistic areas it has touched upon, and that it will help bring more light to both a less-studied phenomenon and a less-studied language of the world. 77 References Allison, Sean. 2020. A grammar of Makary Kotoko. Leiden & Boston: Brill. Bybee, Joan L. & William Pagliuca. 1987. The evolution of future meaning. In Anne GiacaloneRamat, Onofrio Carruba & Giuliano Bernini (eds.) Papers from the 7th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, 109-122. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Carlier, Anne & Walter De Mulder. 2010. The emergence of the definite article in Late Latin ille in competition with ipse. In Hubert Cuyckens, Lieven Vandelanotte, & Kristin Davidse (eds.), Subjectification, Intersubjectification and Grammaticalization, 241-276. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter. Chafe, Wallace. 1976. Givenness, contrastiveness, definiteness, subjects, topics, and point of view. In Charles N. Li (ed.), Subject and Topic, 25-55. New York: Academic Press. Chiarcos, Christian. 2010. Mental salience and grammatical form: Toward a framework for salience metrics in natural language generation. Potsdam: Universitat Potsdam dissertation. Clamons, C. Robin, Ann E. Mulkern & Gerald Sanders. 1993. Salience signaling in Oromo. Journal of Pragmatics 19. 519-536. De Mulder, Walter & Anne Carlier. 2011. The grammaticalization of definite articles. In Heiko Narrog & Bernd Heine (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Grammaticalization, 522-534. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dooley, Robert A. & Stephen H. Levinsohn. 2001. Analyzing discourse: A manual of basic concepts. Dallas: SIL International. Epstein, Richard. 1993. The definite article: early stages of development. In Jaap van Marle (ed.), Historical Linguistics 1991, 111-134. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Epstein, Richard. 1994. The development of the definite article in French. In William Pagliuca (ed.), Perspectives on Grammaticalization, 63-80. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Faingold, Eduardo D. 1993. The development of the definite article from Latin to Spanish and Portuguese. (Paper presented at the 67th Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, Los Angeles, 7-10 January 1993.) Faingold, Eduardo D. 2003. The development of grammar in Spanish and the Romance languages. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. 78 Fillmore, Charles J. 1977. Topics in lexical semantics. In Roger W. Cole (ed.), Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 76-183. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Greenberg, Joseph H. 1978. How does a language acquire gender markers? In Joseph H. Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Human Language Vol. 3: Word Structure, 47-82. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Grimes, Joseph E. 1975. The thread of discourse. The Hague: Mouton. Gundel, Jeanette K., Nancy A. Hedberg & Ron Zacharski. 1993. Cognitive status and the form of referring expressions in discourse. Language, 69(2). 247-307. Himmelmann, Nikolaus P. 1997. Deiktikon, Artikel, Nominalphrase: zur Emergenz syntaktischer Struktur. Tubingen: Niemeyer. Hopper, Paul & Elizabeth Closs Traugott. 2003. Grammaticalization, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 1997. Constituency, dependency, and conceptual grouping. Cognitive Linguistics 8. 1-32. Laury, Ritva. 1997. Demonstratives in interaction: The emergence of a definite article in Finnish. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Levinsohn, Stephen H. 2003. Analysis of narrative texts. Dallas: SIL International. Longacre, Robert E. 1996. The grammar of discourse, 2nd ed. New York & London: Plenum Press. Longacre, Robert E. & Shin Ja J. Hwang. 2012. Holistic discourse analysis. 2nd edition. Dallas: SIL International. Lyons, Christopher. 1999. Definiteness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mahamat, Adam. 2005. Esquisse de la phonologie lexicale du m̀pàdə̀ (langue tchadique centrale: groupe B). Yaoundé: Université de Yaoundé 1. (Mémoire de DEA.) Mahamat, Adam. 2011. Les différents types de contes dans la littérature orale des Kotoko de Makari. In Doris Löh, & Ari Awagana (eds.), Topics in Chadic linguistics VI. Papers from the 5th biennial international colloquium on the Chadic languages, 145–154. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Mahamat, Adam. 2013. La littérature orale des Kotoko de Makari: une analyse ethnolinguistique. Yaoundé: Université de Yaoundé thèse de doctorat. 79 Miller, Emily. 2020. Information structure in Soumraye (Somrai), an Eastern Chadic language. Grand Forks: University of North Dakota MA thesis. Mulkern, Ann E. 2007. Knowing who’s important: Relative discourse salience and Irish pronominal forms. In Nancy A. Hedberg and Ron Zacharski (eds.), The GrammarPragmatics Interface: Essays in honor of Jeanette K. Gundel, 113-142. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Nicolle, Steve. 2014. Discourse functions of demonstratives in Eastern Bantu narrative texts. Studies in African Linguistics 43(1&2). 113-132. Scherrer, Elaine Marie. 2012. An overview of Gemzek narrative discourse features. Yaoundé: SIL. Schuh, Russell G. 1983. The evolution of determiners in Chadic. In Ekkehard Wolff & Hilke Meyer-Bahlburg (eds.), Studies in Chadic and Afroasiatic Linguistics: Papers from the International Colloquium on the Chadic Language Family and the Symposium on Chadic Within Afroasiatic, at the University of Hamburg, September 14-18, 1981, 157-210. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag. Selig, Maria. 1992. Die Entwicklung der Nominaldeterminanten im Spatlatein. Tubingen: Narr. Sgall, Petr, Eva Hajicová, and Jarmila Panevova. 1986. The meaning of the sentence in its semantic and pragmatic aspects. Dordrecht: Reidel. Smith, Tony. 2003. Definiteness, topicalisation and theme: Muyang narrative discourse markers. Yaoundé: SIL. Steedman, Mark. 2000. Information structure and the syntax-phonology interface. Linguistic Inquiry 31(4). 649-689. Thomas, Michael F. 2014. A grammar of Sakun (Sukur). Boulder: University of Colorado dissertation. Trager, George. 1932. The Use of the Latin demonstratives (Especially Ille and Ipse) up to 600 A.D., as the source of the Romance article. New York: Institute of French Studies. Vincent, Nigel. 1997. The emergence of the D-system in Romance. In Ans van Kemenade & Nigel Vincent (eds.), Parameters of Morphosyntactic Change, 149-169. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wright, Suzanne & Talmy Givón. 1987. The pragmatics of indefinite reference: Quantified textbased studies. Studies in Language 11. 1-33. 80 Appendix A: Makary Kotoko publications Allison, Sean. 2007. Linguistic evidence for the islamization of the Makary Kotoko by the Kanuri. In Tourneux, Henry (ed.), Topics in Chadic linguistics III: Historical studies. Papers from the 3rd biennial international colloquium on the Chadic languages, 9–25. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Allison, Sean. 2009. Derivation of the PAM system of Makary Kotoko. In Rothmaler, Eva (ed.), Topics in Chadic linguistics V: Comparative and descriptive studies. Papers from the 4th biennial international colloquium on the Chadic languages, 9–21. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Allison, Sean. 2012. Aspects of a grammar of Makary Kotoko (Chadic, Cameroon). Boulder, CO: University of Colorado at Boulder. (PhD dissertation.) Allison, Sean. 2017. Conditional constructions in Makary Kotoko. Studies in African Linguistics 46. 33–49. Allison, Sean. 2017. Borrowings but no diffusion: A case of language contact in the Lake Chad basin. Journal of Language Contact 10. 395–421. Allison, Sean. 2020. A grammar of Makary Kotoko. Leiden & Boston: Brill. Allison, Sean. 2020. The notion of ‘word’ in Makary Kotoko (Chadic, Cameroon). In Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. & Dixon, R.M.W. & White, Nathan (eds.), Phonological word and grammatical word: A cross-linguistic typology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mahamat, Adam. 2005. Esquisse de la phonologie lexicale du m̀pàdə̀ (langue tchadique centrale: groupe B). Yaoundé: Université de Yaoundé 1. (Mémoire de DEA.) Mahamat, Adam. 2011. Les différents types de contes dans la littérature orale des Kotoko de Makari. In Löhr, Doris & Awagana, Ari (eds.), Topics in Chadic linguistics VI. Papers from the 5th biennial international colloquium on the Chadic languages, 145–154. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Mahamat, Adam. 2013. La littérature orale des Kotoko de Makari: une analyse ethnolinguistique. Yaoundé: Université de Yaoundé I. (Thèse de doctorat.) Mahamat, Adam. 2013. Le mouvement du verbe et des auxiliaires dans le système verbal en m̀pàdə̀. In Mengozzi, Alessandro & Tosco, Mauro (eds.), Sounds and words through the ages: Afroasiatic studies fromTurin, 267–280. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso. 81 Mahamat, Adam. 2016. La forme verbale en m̀pàdə̀. Revue de littérature et d’esthétique négroafricaines 16. 283–305. Tourneux, Henry. 2000. Introduction aux langues dites “kotoko” (Tchad-Cameroun). In Zima, Petr (ed.), Areal and genetic factors in language classification and description: Africa south of the Sahara, 111–119. Munich: LINCOM Europa. Tourneux, Henry. 2000. La formation du pluriel en kotoko. In Wolff, H. Ekkehard & Gensler, Oren D. (eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd World Congress of African Linguistics, Leipzig, 1997, 747–761. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Tourneux, Henry. 2003. L’encodage de la localisation, de la direction et du mouvement dans les langues “kotoko” du Cameroun. In Shay Erin & Seibert, Uwe (eds.), Motion, direction and location in languages, 287–297. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Tourneux, Henry. 2003. Le système consonantique des langues dites “kotoko”. In Wolff, H. Ekkehard (ed.), Topics in Chadic linguistics. Papers from the 1st biennial international colloquium on the Chadic languages, 115–135. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Tourneux, Henry. 2003. Le système vocalique dans le groupe “kotoko”. In Lébikaza, Kézié K. (ed.), Actes du 3e congrès mondial de linguistique africaine, 69–77. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Tourneux, Henry. 2004. Les marques personnelles en kotoko et en mafa/wandala (langues tchadiques de la branche centrale). In Ibriszimow, Dymitr & Segerer, Guillaume (eds.), Systèmes de marques personnelles en Afrique, 199–212. Louvain & Paris: Peeters. Tourneux, Henry. 2005. La numération dans les parlers “kotoko” du Cameroun. In Mengozzi, Alessandro (ed.), Studi Afroasiatici: XI Incontro Italiano di Linguistica Camitosemitica, 113–124. Milan: Franco Angeli. Tourneux, Henry & Mahamat, Adam. 2009. Les marqueurs relatifs dans les langues dites “Kotoko”. In Rothmaler, Eva (ed.), Topics in Chadic linguistics V: Comparative and descriptive studies, 151–159. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Tourneux, Henry & Mahamat, Adam. 2009. Pronoms circonstants en kotoko et verbes à circonstants obligatoires. In Baldi, Sergio (ed.), Studi Maġrebini, Nuova Serie, Volume VII, 225–233. 82 Index of Interlinearized Texts Appendix B: Text A06, A son doesn’t listen to his father’s advice Appendix C: Text A59, The old woman who was worse than Satan Appendix D: Text A76, The son who wanted to test the advice of his father Appendix E: Text B86, The trick of dog and jackal that they played on hyena Appendix F: Text E71, A man and a lucky dog Appendix G: Text H39, A farmer and a wealthy man Appendix H: Text H93, The son of the sultan of olden times Appendix J: Text I19, Elephant and hare Appendix K: Text I87, Squirrel Appendix B: Text A06 Lo n a shin gɨ amsɨ ngɨ aba ngɨdan wa A son doesn't listen to his father's advice Speaker: Umar Mal Yamani Age when recorded: “quite old” [no exact age given] Location: Gosɨlo (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1 Lo da aba ngɨdan a gɨ rɨ gi: son CONTR father MODM.POSS.3PL 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that tag si ma ro PROH.2SG take woman MOD.F big « Si kɨlayaskɨ, take young.woman dɨmo wa. » not A son, his father says to him, "Take a young woman [as a wife], don't take a grown woman." 2 Lo so a shin gɨ amsɨ ngɨ son DET.M 3SGM.PFV hear nen aba so wa do, a ka gɨrɨm word MODM.POSS father DET.M not CONJ 3SGM.PFV find wife no ɨl gɨn yaga MOD.F 3SGF.NEUT please PREP.3SGM VOL.3SGM take 3SGF.DO then 3SGM.NEUT say father wo ka si dɨ, gɨrɨm no kꞌani a ɨl gɨ nen aba ngɨdan gi: « Don gu. MODM.POSS.3PL that 1SG.INDP 1SG.PFV find wife MOD.F 3SGF.NEUT please PREP.1SG The son didn't listen to the advice of his father, he found a wife who pleased him and he wanted to marry her, then he said to his father, "Me, I found a wife who pleases me." 3 - Kɨlayaskɨ wo? young.woman POL "[Is she] a young woman?" 4.1 - Kɨlayaskɨ. » young.woman "[She's] a young woman." 4.2 Aba so a nke ɨl gasi, ɗama ni father DET.M 3SGM.PFV ask CAUS two tɨ but ro pal da a thing.ABSTR MOD.F one CONTR 3SGM.PFV rɨ. answer 3SGM.IO The father asked twice, but he answered him the same way. 4.3 Kꞌani aba so a gɨ rɨ gi: « Ɨl then father DET.M 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that mbin, aro dasi si 3SGF.NEUT be.good then next take dɨ. » 3SGF.DO Then the father said to him, "Okay good, then marry her." 4.4 Kꞌani lo so a si. then son DET.M 3SGM.PFV take Then the son married [her]. 4.5 A si dɨ nondo, kꞌani aba so a bo nɨman kaɗagɨ. 3SGM.PFV take 3SGF.DO in.that.way then father DET.M 3SGM.PFV have money abundant He had married her [and life went on] in that way, then the father had a lot of money. 4.6 Sɨ ro so, kꞌani aba so ɨl le go rɨ wa. day MOD.F NONSP.F then father DET.M 3SGF.NEUT be.good with 3SGM.PO not One day, the father wasn't feeling well. 4.7 Lo so ɗe a dɨ mawasɨn, a son DET.M SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV go journey ngɨdan do bia shargu rogɨ aba 3SGM.PFV attend illness MODF.POSS father he wa. MODM.POSS.3PL DET.F LP not The son was away on a trip, he wasn't there during his father's illness. 4.8 Ngo ro shargu do when yal fɨra rɨ, kꞌani ya rogɨ en lo so illness DET.F VOL.3SGF overtake 3SGM.DO then mother MODF.POSS 3PL son DET.M do a do DET.F 3SGM.PFV drive.away 3SGF.DO PREP hut DET.M that 3SGF.INDP DET.F PRES wife MOD.F a si dɨ dɨ a fɨn so do ngurzam do, 3SGM.PFV take 3SGF.DO like fat ngɨn wa. MODM.POSS.3SGM not DET.F a gi dɨ do bo go a 3SGM.PFV can ndo gɨrɨm no fo dɨ ashiri 3SGM.NEUT give 3SGF.IO secret When [the father realized] the illness would overcome him, then the mother of the son he sent her away out of the room, because she was the wife he married as a fat (i.e. grown) woman, so he couldn't share his secrets with her. 4.9 Kꞌani a fe gɨrɨm nogɨ lo ngɨn so do: « Don then 3SGM.NEUT call wife MODF.POSS son MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M DET.F so u DET.M 1SG.NEUT be persuaded strength MODM.POSS:1SG 3SGM.PFV be.finished therefore advice n ndau MOD.M IPFV.1SG gɨ ndɨ do fo to sꞌale so ngu wi sɨ a m ge, 1SG.INDP a kania lu wasi aro mɨg give 2SGF.IO DET.M husband MODM:POSS:2SGF 3SGM.PFV come then IRR.2SG rɨ. say 3SGM.IO Then he called the wife of his son [and said], "Me, I know my strength is finished, therefore the advice I'm giving you, when your husband comes you should tell him." 5 - Iyo » No sꞌam. okay 3SGF.PFV agree "Okay," she agreed. 6.1 Gako do a next ɗɨ dɨ gey nɨman nogɨn do. 3SGM.PFV put 3SGF.DO in.front.of money MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F Then he told her where his money was. 6.2 « Nɨman ndwa ngo money wo fa ro nondo wo fa lɨ, ngo ro nondo be.at.F place MOD.F in.that.way 1SG.PFV bury PRO place MOD.F in.that.way lɨ, sha nda ngo nondo ro kaɗa, hɨngwe 1SG.PFV bury PRO herd.of.cows be.at.M place MOD.F in.that.way such.and.such goats ngu nde MODPL.POSS:1SG be.at.PL place MOD.F in.that.way such.and.such horses MODPL.POSS:1SG nde ngo ro ngo nondo ro nondo kaɗa, bɨskore ngu kaɗa. » be.at.PL place MOD.F in.that.way such.and.such "Money is in this certain place, I buried it, in this certain place I buried it; cows are in such and such a place, my goats are in such and such a place, my horses are in such and such a place." 6.3 A bashi dɨ he fogɨ. 3SGM.PFV count 3SGF.IO LP all He told her everything. 6.4 Kꞌani aba so a ɗala, sɨran gi lo so a lu ho. then father DET.M 3SGM.PFV be.not before son DET.M 3SGM.PFV come LP Then the father died, before the son had come home. 6.5 E hɨn sarga lan kꞌani a dɨ ni nondo 3PL.PFV do sacrifice completely then 3SGM.PFV go nɨman no so a ho do ɗe a ndɨ in.that.way SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV see wa. money MOD.F NONSP.F PREP house DET.F not They had finished the [funeral] sacrifices then he (the son) went about [looking for his father's money] but he didn't see any money at the house. 6.6 A ya go nondo ɗe a ka ji ro go nɨman do 3SGM.PFV look for in.that.way SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV find thing.CONC MOD.F with money DET.F wa. not He searched and searched but he didn't find anything with money [in it]. 6.7 A ke gɨ ya 3SGM.NEUT ask gɨ rogɨdan gi: « Iya, to mother MODF.POSS.3PL that to gi ji mom so a DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 2SGF.IO that thing.CONC what aba ngɨne 2SGF.INDP father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL le? He asked his mother, "Mom, you, my father, what did he say to you?" 7 - Aba ɨn so, a fe gɨrɨm nongo fɨn so e ga father PREP:2PL DET.M 3SGM.PFV call wife MODF:POSS:2SGM hut DET.M 3PL.PFV speak amsɨ go maragɨ do, a gɨ dɨ gi ji le, a gɨ dɨ word with together CONJ 3SGM.PFV say 3SGF.IO that thing.CONC what 3SGM.PFV say 3SGF.IO gi ji le yahe u sɨn wa. that thing.CONC what even 1SG.NEUT know not "Your father, he called your wife into his room and they spoke together, what he said to her, whatever he said to her, I don't know." 8.1 - Iyo, ɨl mbin. » okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Okay, very well." 8.2 A ke gɨ gɨrɨm nogɨn 3SGM.PFV ask do: « To, wife MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F fe to do, a gɨ aba ngɨne 2SGF.INDP father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL so, a to gi ji le? DET.M 3SGM.PFV call 2SGF.DO CONJ 3SGM.PFV say 2SGF.IO that thing.CONC what He asked his wife, "You, my father, he called you, what did he say to you?" 9 - Aba ɨn so, bɨskon no father PREP:2PL DET.M horse hɨn gi, ji rogɨn, ndwe ro do, da a MOD.F PRES.F.PROX DEM.F.PROX CONTR we ngɨn n gɨ 3SGM.PFV say gade n 1SG.IO that thing.CONC MODF.POSS.3SGM things.CONC MODPL.POSS.3SGM MOD.PL other MOD.PL si ma nde NONSP.PL FOC lɨ wa. be.at.PL PRO not "Your father, this horse here, he told me that [this was] his thing, there are no other things of his." 10.1 - Iyo, ɨl mbin. » okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Okay, very well." 10.2 Blo ɗe a shin go gi man SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV hear ɗe sey SW.TOP except horse nondo, bɨskon no a ka ngɨdan go nɨman kaɗagɨ, nɨman that father MODM.POSS.3PL with money abundant money pal do, MOD.F aba a dɨ ngo ro do, aro a dɨ ni one DET.F 3SGM.PFV go place DEM.F.PROX then 3SGM.PFV go LP jire rogɨ wa yo wa nga. in.that.way 3SGM.PFV find truth MODF.POSS things.CONC DET.PL not completely The man (i.e. the son) had heard that his father had lots of money, but the money, except for the one horse, he went here, he went wherever, he didn't find out the truth of [his father's] possessions at all. 10.3 A hɨn ngɨnɨbu go alɨfu ɗama, a 3SGM.PFV do suffering with prayer but shin gɨ ni 3SGM.PFV hear ro so thing.ABSTR MOD.F NONSP.F wa. not He prayed earnestly, but he didn't hear anything. 10.4 Kꞌani a dɨ gɨ abana ngɨdan ho a wo ro then 3SGM.PFV go PREP younger.paternal.uncle MODM.POSS.3PL LP PREP village MOD.F a sꞌe. PREP outside Then he went to [visit] his uncle (father’s younger brother) in a village outside [of town]. 10.5 Abana so a ndɨ rɨ kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: younger.paternal.uncle DET.M 3SGM.PFV see 3SGM.DO then 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that « Gɨ hamo gɨ me he ngaba pok nondo? 2SG.NEUT happen.NEG 2SG.NEUT stay LP white very.white in.that.way His uncle saw him then he (the uncle) said to him, "What's wrong, [why are] you so white like that?" 11 - Abana u shin gɨ dunia so younger.paternal.uncle 1SG.NEUT feel a ka yo go hɨn nia. world DET.M 3SGM.PFV suffer with 1SG.PO excess "Uncle, I feel like the world is really bad for me." 12 - Ni le a ka do yo go kɨn? thing.ABSTR what 3SGM.PFV suffer MMR LP with 2SGM.PO "Why is it bad for you?" 13.1 - Nɨman nogɨ aba ngɨne do da ngo ro ndwa lɨ money MODF.POSS father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL DET.F CONTR place MOD.F be.at.F PRO ma u FOC sɨn wa. 1SG.NEUT know not "The money of my father, I don't even know where it is. 13.2 Wre ɗe we sɨn gi aba ngɨne go nɨman do, 2PL.INDP SW.TOP 2PL.NEUT know that father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL with money CONJ ni ro ni le? » thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX thing.ABSTR what You, you know that my father had money, so what's going on?" 14 Kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: then 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that ji le, kɨn nda lɨ « Aba ɨn so a gɨ kɨn gi father POSS:2PL DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 2SGM.IO that do kꞌashi do? thing.CONC what 2SGM.INDP be.at.M PRO as small CONJ Then he (the uncle) said to him, "Your father, what did he say to you, when you were young?" 15 - Aba ngɨne so a gɨ hɨn gi u si kɨlayaskɨ; father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 1SG.IO that 1SG.NEUT take young.woman tau si gɨrɨm no dɨmo wa. PROH.1SG take wife MOD.F big not "My father told me that I should marry a young woman; I shouldn't marry a big (grown) woman." 16 - Aro gɨrɨm nongo do la he? then wife MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F MMR what "So then what is your wife like?" 17 - Gɨrɨm do wife ɨl DET.F sɨran gi wo nen gu waro no ya gɨrɨm a sꞌe 3SGF.NEUT please PREP:1SG however 3SGF.PFV become wife PREP outside si dɨ. before 1SG.PFV take 3SGF.DO "[She was] the wife that pleased me, but she became a woman outside [my home] before I married her." 18.1 - Yowa ni ro aba ɨn a gɨ kɨn do da (exclamation) thing.ABSTR MOD.F father POSS:2PL 3SGM.PFV say 2SGM.IO DET.F CONTR no lu, wa? 3SGF.PFV come TAG "You see, the thing your father told you has come [true], hasn't it? 18.2 Go ji gɨ amsɨ ngɨn kꞌani dɨ da no lu. » 2SGF.PFV reject word MODM.POSS.3SGM then 3SGF.INDP CONTR 3SGF.PFV come You didn't listen to his advice then [the consequence] came [true]." 18.3 Lo so a la ku tɨn nondo, son DET.M 3SGM.PFV think gɨ a sɨn ni ro a long.time 3SGM.NEUT know thing.ABSTR MOD.F 3SGM.NEUT wa. say not The son thought for a while, he didn't know what to say. 19.1 Kꞌani abana so a gɨ rɨ gi: then younger.paternal.uncle DET.M 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that Yarisho ndwe shin gɨ amsɨ IRR.2SG hear do mu fe word ngu aro, lo MODM.POSS:1SG then daughter MODF.POSS:1SG Yarisho PRES.F.PROX DET.F IRR.1SG call 3SGF.DO ɨl rogu « Mɨg dɨ lu. 3SGF.NEUT come Then the uncle said to him, "If you listen to my advice, then my daughter Yarisho here, I'll call her to come. 19.2 Go sꞌam gi sɨ ro go ka nɨman nongo do, aro mɨg si 2SG.PFV agree that when 2SG.PFV find money MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F then IRR.2SG take dɨ, aro mu she re maragɨ go dɨ, aro mɨl bol 3SGF.DO then IRR.1SG put.together 2PL.DO together with 3SGF.PO then IRR.3SGF discover nɨman nongo do ho. » money MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F LP If you agree that when you find your money, then you'll marry her, then I'll put you together with her, and she will discover [where] your money is." 19.3 A fe dɨ: 3SGM.NEUT call 3SGF.DO « Yarisho, alu. Yarisho He (the uncle) called her, "Yarisho, come. come.IMP 19.4 Yaya ɨn nda so ndo lo ngɨ akura ɨn. elder.brother POSS:2PL DEM.M.PROX PRES son MODM.POSS younger.paternal.uncle POSS:2PL This your older brother (i.e. older cousin) is the son of your (older) paternal uncle. 19.5 Nɨman nogɨn no wi do, to da mɨg bol do ho money MODF.POSS.3SGM 3SGF.PFV be.lost DET.F 2SGF.INDP CONTR IRR.2SG discover kania me he do zoli, do ma ro no ka msꞌi, do ngwi aro nɨman therefore stay LP like mad like woman MOD.F 3SGF.PFV be crazy like deaf.person then money do mɨg bol do ho. DET.F IRR.2SG discover His money is lost, you, you'll discover [where it is] therefore remain like a crazy person, like a woman who is crazy, like a deaf person, then you'll discover the money. 19.6 Sɨ ro go dɨ ni aro, gɨrɨm nogɨ yaya ɨn so do ndal when 2SG.PFV go LP then wife MODF.POSS elder.brother POSS:2PL DET.M DET.F IPFV.3SGF so ngo le yahe so lɨ go dɨ. enter place what even enter PRO with 3SGF.PO When you go there, then the wife of your cousin, when she enters a place, enter there with her. 19.7 Ndal IPFV.3SGF ni go LP dɨ gey gulo yahe, dɨ ni go go near river even dɨ, ndal dɨ gulgwan go LP with 3SGF.PO IPFV.3SGF go bathing.place even dɨ. with 3SGF.PO Even if she goes to the river, go with her; even if she goes to the bathing place, go with her. 19.8 Jiyi. refuse Refuse [to leave her]. yahe, dɨ go 19.9 Tag le go yo gɨdɨ PROH.2SG wa. separate PREP.3SGF not Don't be separated from her." 20.1 - Ɨl mbin aba. » 3SGF.NEUT be.good dad "Very well, dad." 20.2 Kꞌani e sꞌaga ndei to; nda, no fal go ho cofoy. then 3PL.PFV rise.up IPFV.3PL return.home first.of.all 3SGF.PFV unbraid IDEO Then they got up and went home; first of all, she unbraided her hair (like a crazy woman). 20.3 No me he do zoli, do mani sure do ngwi no kadɨ 3SGF.PFV stay LP like mad like woman.of madness like deaf.person 3SGF.PFV follow rɨ gwasꞌar gwasꞌar no 3SGM.DO IDEO lu go rɨ. 3SGF.PFV come with 3SGM.PO She remained like a crazy person, like a madwoman, like a deaf person; she followed him [in a disorderly manner], she came with him. 20.4 E lu e sa tɨn. 3PL.PFV come 3PL.PFV sit They came and sat down. 20.5 Faɗe kꞌani no so fɨn so ɨl ɗa lɨ go dan. night then 3SGF.PFV enter hut DET.M 3SGF.NEUT lie.down PRO with 3PL.PO Night [came], then she (the cousin) entered the room (i.e. bedroom of the son and his wife) and she lay down there with them. 20.6 Gɨrɨm ɨl wife ɗa ke gɨn gi: 3SGF.NEUT ask PREP.3SGM that fɨn so go mo, « Aro kɨn, then lo ro do, ɨl 2SGM.INDP child DEM.F.PROX 3SGF.NEUT ɨl hamo? lie.down room DET.M with 1PL:INCL.PO 3SGF.NEUT happen.NEG [The] wife asked him, "Then you, this child, she's lying down in the bedroom with us, what's wrong [with her]?" 21.1 - Ndo zoli mɨl PRES shin go wa, ngwi mad IRR.3SGF hear ro ankal ngɨdɨ a not deaf.person MOD.F reason MODM.POSS.3SGF 3SGM.PFV ska yo. suffer "She's crazy, she can't hear, [she's] a deaf person whose mind isn't right. 21.2 Gey fɨn so yahe, man in.front.of hut DET.M even gɨdɨ yo gi ɨl ɗa lɨ. » leave.alone PREP.3SGF LP that 3SGF.NEUT lie.down PRO Just at the entrance of the room, leave her so that she can sleep there." 21.3 Nondo do ngo ro ndal dɨ lɨ, aro ɨl dɨ ni go dɨ. in.that.way DET.F place MOD.F IPFV.3SGF go PRO then 3SGF.NEUT go LP with 3SGF.PO [Things went on] in that way, wherever she (the wife) went, then she (the cousin) would go with her. 21.4 Ndal IPFV.3SGF dɨ gey gulo yahe, ɨl go near river even kadɨ dɨ. 3SGF.NEUT follow 3SGF.DO Even if she went to the river, she would follow her. 22.1 Sɨ ro so azar nondo, kꞌani no ka gomnaru day MOD.F NONSP.F late.afternoon in.that.way then 3SGF.PFV find boyfriend ngɨdɨ n a MODM.POSS.3SGF MOD.M ɗɨ dɨ tɨn a shimesɨn so. 3SGM.PFV deflower 3SGF.DO ground PREP youth DET.M One day in late afternoon, she (the wife) found the boyfriend who had deflowered her in her youth. 22.2 Kꞌani no hɨ gɨn: « Kɨn, then 3SGF.PFV call.out PREP.3SGM ngɨ Kɨmani go nabi. MODM.POSS God nda, alu mo msi sure 2SGM.INDP surprise come.IMP ATT man.of madness and prophet Then she called to him, "You, hey, come crazy man of God and the prophet. 22.3 Gɨ kadɨ nkꞌe, u 2SG.NEUT wander ya ngo nondo u ka kɨn 1SG.NEUT look.for PREP:2SGM a.long.time 1SG.NEUT find 2SGM.DO not You're wandering around, I've been looking for you a long time and I haven't found you. 22.4 Asɨro garo ma u ndɨ kɨn wa. today how.many FOC 1SG.NEUT see 2SGM.DO not Today, how many [days] I haven't seen you." 23 - To gɨrɨm mayo do gɨ ya gu gi gɨ ha hɨn 2SGF.INDP wife of.another DET.F 2SG.NEUT want PREP:1SG that 2SG.NEUT do 1SG.IO ni wa. le? thing.ABSTR what "You, the wife of another, you want me so that you can do what for me?" 24.1 - Lalala! no! no! "No no! 24.2 Don gɨrɨm mayo yahe, kɨn 1SG.INDP wife of.another even waro u sɨn rɨ da don u sɨn kɨn 2SGM.INDP CONTR 1SG.INDP 1SG.NEUT know 2SGM.DO wo? otherwise 1SG.NEUT know 3SGM.DO POL Me, even though I'm the wife of another, you, me, I know you but do I know him? 24.3 Dan a si hɨn do ngurzam, wa? 3SGM.INDP 3SGM.PFV take 1SG.DO like fat TAG Him, he married me as a grown woman, didn't he?" 25 - Iyo, ɨl mbin aro ndo ni le go lu go lɨ? okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good then PRES thing.ABSTR what 2SG.PFV come with PRO "Okay, very well then what [news] did you come with?" 26.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 26.2 Nɨman kɨndɨge ndwa gɨ money a.lot hɨn lɨ ga aba en wi sɨ ngu so a ɗɨ be.at.F PREP father them husband MODM.POSS:1SG DET.M 3SGM.PFV put yo fogɨ kꞌani wo 1SG.DO PRO mouth DET.PL all mu dɨga kɨn. IRR.1SG show 2SGM.IO ji gɨ dɨgan rɨ gi kɨn da then 1SG.PFV refuse show 3SGM.IO that 2SGM.INDP CONTR My husband's father had lots of money, he told me where it all was, then I refused to show him (the son) so that you, I could show you. 26.3 Kania hɨn nia, aro alu gi m hɨn tabɨga, aro mɨg si therefore do well then come.IMP that 1PL:INCL.IMP do understanding then IRR.2SG take hɨn, aro nɨman do m ɗa lɨ go do. 1SG.DO then money DET.F 1PL:INCL.IMP lie.down PRO head DET.F Therefore prepare [yourself], then come let's make an agreement, you'll marry me then the money let's get it." 27 - Iyo ɨl mbin aro m si la he? okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good then 1PL:INCL.IMP take MMR what "Okay good, then how will we get it?" 28.1 - Na do asɨro rogɨn now do a ya mɨskin. today MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F 3SGM.PFV become poor.man "Now as he (the son) is today, he's become poor. 28.2 We n ne i ga ma, i ɗala a ho do. things MOD.PL 1PL:EXCL.NEUT eat FOC 3PL.NEUT be.not PREP house DET.F Even things to eat, there's nothing at the house. 28.3 Aro don mu hɨ gɨn fu ho gi a dɨwol ho then 1SG.INDP IRR.1SG hassle PREP.3SGM fire LP that 3SGM.PFV sell house DET.F Then I'll hassle him so that he'll sell the house. 28.4 Sɨ ro yaga dɨwo do aro, gɨ when VOL.3SGM sell si msale yahe, alu then 2SG.NEUT take debt even do. dɨwo. come.IMP buy When he goes to sell [the house], then even if you have to take out a loan, come buy [the house]." 29 - Ni ro ni ro go jire yigɨ? thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX thing.ABSTR MOD.F with truth only "Is this thing true at least?" 30.1 - Go jire. with truth "It's true. 30.2 Wa yo don da nde gu a nkꞌɨm fogɨ. things.CONC DET.PL 1SG.INDP CONTR be.at.PL PREP:1SG PREP handful all The things (i.e. money & possessions), me, they're all in my hand. 30.3 Shae kania hɨngwe kania cows therefore goats nde lɨ fogɨ. therefore be.at.PL PRO all Cows, goats, they're all there." 31.1 - Iyo ɨl mbin. » okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Okay, good." 31.2 Aro ngwi do ɗe ndal shin go dam. then deaf.person DET.F SW.TOP IPFV.3SGF hear Well the deaf girl, she heard [it] well. well 31.3 Gako do ma next do no lu do, ɨl hɨ gɨn fu ho woman DET.F 3SGF.PFV come CONJ 3SGF.NEUT hassle PREP.3SGM fire LP ɨl gɨ rɨ gi: 3SGF.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that ji rongo « Ndag lagɨ hɨn wa do... ndag fo hɨn IPFV.2SG nourish 1SG.DO not CONJ IPFV.2SG give 1SG.IO wo? » thing.CONC MODF:POSS:2SGM POL Then the woman came home, she hassled him (her husband), she said to him, "You're not taking care of me... are you going to give me your thing (provide for me)?" 32.1 Ngo ro yaga when dɨ shafu, VOL.3SGM kꞌani ngwi do no kadɨ rɨ. gather straw then deaf.person DET.F 3SGF.PFV follow 3SGM.DO When he went to gather straw, then the deaf girl followed him. 32.2 E ka lala kꞌani no gɨ rɨ gi: 3PL.PFV arrive the.bush then 3SGF.PFV say 3SGM.IO that no « Yaya, nɨman do elder.brother money DET.F bo ho. 3SGF.PFV be discovered They arrived in the bush then she said to him, "Older brother, the money has been discovered." 33 - Nɨman do no bo ho la he? money DET.F 3SGF.PFV be discovered MMR what "The money, how was it discovered?" 34.1 - Nɨman do no nɗɨ gomnaru ngɨdɨ lɨ ga yo. money DET.F 3SGF.PFV put.repeatedly boyfriend MODM.POSS.3SGF PRO mouth DET.PL "The money, she told her boyfriend all about it. 34.2 Ndwa ngo ro nondo, ndwa ngo ro nondo. be.at.F place MOD.F in.that.way be.at.F place MOD.F in.that.way It's at this certain place, it's at that certain place. 34.3 Nkꞌe yo fogɨ ma don places DET.PL all FOC wo shin go. 1SG.INDP 1SG.PFV hear All the places, I heard [them]. 34.4 Sha, hɨngwe, kore herd.of.cows goats ga nde lɨ; fogɨ no donkeys be.at.PL PRO all mouth DET.PL Cows, goats, donkeys are there; all, she told him everything." what! "Wow! 35.2 Gɨ sɨn, wa? 2SG.NEUT know TAG You know, hey? 35.3 Ɨl mbin aro, dalil wadi? 3SGF.NEUT be.good then solution which Good then, what's the solution?" rɨ lɨ 3SGF.PFV put.repeatedly 3SGM.DO PRO yo. 35.1 - Anya! nɗɨ 36.1 - No gɨ rɨ gi mɨl i kɨn maragɨ aro ho do 3SGF.PFV say 3SGM.IO that IRR.3SGF annoy 2SGM.DO together then house DET.F ma lu a dɨwo ngo. IRR.3SGM come 3SGM.PFV buy PREP:2SGM "She told him that she would bother you, then the house, he would come and buy [it] from you. 36.2 Aro ma si dɨ aro nɨman do den da mi sha ho, then IRR.3SGM marry 3SGF.DO then money DET.F 3PL.INDP CONTR IRR.3PL pick up kania a lu aro nɨman garo yahe, ɗɨ gɨn therefore 3SGM.PFV come then money how.many even ho. » put PREP.3SGM LP Then he'll marry her, then the money, they'll uncover it, therefore when he comes, however much money [to buy the house], make him pay it." 37 Dasi ɨl i rɨ maragɨ kꞌani a gɨ dɨ gi: next 3SGF.NEUT annoy 3SGM.DO together then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGF.IO that do m dɨwo do aro m DET.F 1PL:INCL.IMP sell « Nda, ho go.ahead house i ga. » then 1PL:INCL.IMP eat Then she (the wife) bothered him then he said to her, "Well, the house, let's sell it so we can eat." 38.1 Gako do ho next do e do wo. house DET.F 3PL.PFV put up for sale Then the house they put [it] up for sale. 38.2 Nse n si kꞌani a ji gɨ gɨrɨm do. days MOD.PL NONSP.PL then 3SGM.PFV reject wife DET.F A few days later, he divorced his wife. 38.3 Kꞌani dan gomnaru so a dɨ ni a then 3SGM.INDP boyfriend DET.M 3SGM.PFV go a si msale a 3SGM.PFV take debt lu 3SGM.PFV come dɨwo. 3SGM.PFV buy Then him, the boyfriend, he went and took a loan, he came and bought [the house]. 38.4 Nɨman do kaɗagɨ kꞌani a fo rɨ nɨsɨbu gi money DET.F abundant then 3SGM.PFV give 3SGM.IO half teɗɨ pal nondo aro ma fo rɨ; barte do nɨsɨbu do that half dabari ɗe DET.F SW.TOP rogɨdɨ month one in.that.way then IRR.3SGM give 3SGM.IO meanwhile waiting.period MODF.POSS.3SGF mɨl ge aro ma si dɨ. IRR.3SGF be.finished then IRR.3SGM marry 3SGF.DO The money [to buy the house] was a lot, then he (the boyfriend) gave him (the son) half so that [the other] half after one month he would give [it] to him; meanwhile when her (the ex-wife's) waiting period [after the divorce] was finished, he would marry her. 38.5 Aro ma fasɨ nɨman do ho a fo rɨ. then IRR.3SGM unearth money DET.F LP 3SGM.PFV give 3SGM.IO Then he would dig up the money [in the house] and give it to him (the son; i.e. as the rest of the payment for the house). 38.6 « Iyo, ɨl mbin. » okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Okay, very well." 38.7 A sꞌam a i nɨsɨbu do. 3SGM.PFV agree 3SGM.PFV seize half He (the son) agreed, he took half [the money]. DET.F 39.1 Dabari rogɨdɨ no ge e hɨn nika, kꞌani no waiting.period MODF.POSS.3SGF 3SGF.PFV be.finished 3PL.PFV marry hɨ gɨn fu ho gi: then 3SGF.PFV « Yala! hassle PREP.3SGM fire LP that go! Her waiting period finished and they married, then she hassled him [and said], "Go! 39.2 M to a ho do. » 1PL:INCL.IMP return.home PREP house DET.F Let's return to the house." 39.3 No dɨ ho do kꞌani ɨl gɨ wi sɨ dɨ sɨ fae so gi: 3SGF.PFV go house DET.F then 3SGF.NEUT say husband 3FSG NMOD.M years DET.M that « Ma ne gɨ ho rogɨne do gi ne fo kɨn nɨman leave 1PL:EXCL POSS house MODF.POSS.1PL:EXCL DET.F that 1PL:EXCL.NEUT give 2SGM.IO money nongo ro no MODF:POSS:2SGM MOD.F ji ɓɨlɨm do. » 3SGF.PFV stay behind DET.F She went to the house then she said to her old husband, "Leave our house to us so that we will give you your money that remains [to be paid]." 39.4 Kꞌani a lɨ sꞌe a dɨ goldɨbo a ga lɨ fɨn ndei then 3SGM.PFV come outside 3SGM.PFV go garbage.dump 3SGM.PFV put PRO hut IPFV.3PL sa he a lɨ cokoy, dan dwell PREP PRO IDEO ngɨdan do, MODM.POSS.3PL DET.F go lo rogɨ abana 3SGM.INDP and daughter MODF.POSS younger.paternal.uncle gɨrɨm nogɨn no zoli do. wife MODF.POSS.3SGM 3SGF.PFV be.mad DET.F Then he came out and moved to a garbage dump, he built a hut there, they lived there, he and the daughter of his uncle, his wife who was [pretending to be] crazy. 39.5 Kꞌani nda te so ɗe a hɨn arusu gɨdɨ gɨdɨ e then DEM.M.DIST SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV do wedding IDEO ho lu e so 3PL.PFV come 3PL.PFV enter do. house DET.F Then that one (the boyfriend) he had a wedding, then they came and moved into the house. 39.6 Lo so kagey i lɨ sꞌe a ho do go ngwi do, son DET.M before 3PL.NEUT come outside PREP house DET.F with deaf.person DET.F nɨman do e ji ho fogɨ. money DET.F 3PL.PFV remove all The son, before they moved out of the house, with the deaf girl, the money they removed it all. 39.7 Nɨman do i ji sꞌe aro wɨlɨm do money DET.F 3PL.NEUT remove outside then hole i DET.F ji lɨ dodo. 3PL.NEUT put.into PRO thorn The money, they removed it all, then the hole they put thorns there. 39.8 Walame yo holes e DET.PL nke he go dodo dɨn dɨn! 3PL.PFV fill LP with thorn completely completely The holes, they completely filled them with thorns! 39.9 Nɨman do e sha sꞌe fogɨ e money DET.F 3PL.PFV take out all sɨran gi nda te so ɗe a dɨ do goldɨbo rogɨdan do 3PL.PFV go MMR garbage.dump MODF.POSS.3PL DET.F si gɨrɨm gɨdɨ gɨdɨ a before DEM.M.DIST SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV marry IDEO lu ho do. 3SGM.PFV come house DET.F The money, they took it all out, they went with it to their garbage dump before that one (the boyfriend) he got married and came to the house. 39.10 Kꞌani i dɨ ni i then 3PL.NEUT go do ɨl DET.F 3SGF.NEUT be.not fasɨ wɨlɨm do 3PL.NEUT unearth hole ho aro dodo da DET.F LP nyan, nɨman then thorn CONTR IDEO money ɗala. Then they went and dug up the hole, then only thorns were there, the money wasn't there. 40.1 Gako do blo a next sa tɨn a man 3SGM.PFV sit fɨn, a PREP bo go a hut 3SGM.PFV can lɨ sꞌe wa. 3SGM.PFV come outside not Then the man sat in his room, he couldn't go outside. 40.2 Nda te so a DEM.M.DIST hɨn lu gɨn ho gi: 3SGM.PFV come PREP.3SGM LP that ndag fo IPFV.2SG give 1SG.IO not POL « Kɨn, nɨman nogu 2SGM.INDP money 3SGF.POSS:1SG DET.F wa wo? That one (the son) came to him [and said], "You, my money, are you not giving it to me?" 41.1 - Aro nɨman do si kanadi nasi. » then money DET.F take patience a.bit "Well, the money, wait a bit." 41.2 Aro a shi lɨ nse gasi aro a lu gɨn ho. then 3SGM.PFV put PRO days two then 3SGM.PFV come PREP.3SGM LP Then he waited two days and came to him [again]. do 41.3 Dan ɗe wa yo a ka lɨ wa do, nda, no 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP things.CONC DET.PL 3SGM.PFV find PRO not CONJ first.of.all 3SGF.PFV ya rɨ shargu do, a bo go a become 3SGM.IO illness CONJ 3SGM.PFV can lɨ sꞌe wa. 3SGM.PFV come outside not Him (the boyfriend), the money he didn't find it, well, he became ill [because of it], he couldn't go outside. 41.4 A la go tɨn nondo 3SGM.PFV think gako do faɗe a.long.time next dabra kap kap kap: « Kɨlafia, wa? door IDEO peace kꞌani a dɨ ni a nights then 3SGM.PFV go la rɨ 3SGM.PFV hit 3SGM.IO TAG He thought for a bit, then at night he went and knocked on his (the son's) door, "Is there peace?" 42 - Kɨlafɨa. peace "Peace." 43 - Barka. blessing "Good." 44 - Kɨlafia yigɨ, wa? peace only TAG "Is there peace with you?" 45.1 - Kɨlafia. peace "Peace. 45.2 Don da wo lu ngo ho kania alu sꞌe go hɨn 1SG.INDP CONTR 1SG.PFV come PREP:2SGM LP therefore come.IMP outside with 1SG.PO a gey na do nɨman nongo because now ɗe ndwa gu ho do msale. money MODF:POSS:2SGM SW.TOP be.at.F PREP:1SG LP like debt Me, I've come to you therefore come outside with me because now your money, it's on me as a debt. 45.3 We n nde te yo ɗe wo si do msale kꞌani dalil things.CONC MOD.PL DEM.PL.DIST SW.TOP 1SG.PFV take like debt u basɨ do a n then means MOD.M ɗala. 1SG.NEUT repay MMR 3SGM.PFV be.not That money there (the first payment), I took it as a loan and the means for me to repay it doesn't exist. 45.4 Kania nɨman no so do wo ma kɨn go ɨl Kɨmani go therefore money MOD.F NONSP.F DET.F 1SG.PFV leave 2SGM.IO PREP NMOD.F God nabi. prophet Therefore the other money, I leave [it] to you [in the name] of God and the prophet. 45.5 Don so ndau bo lala.» 1SG.INDP DET.M IPFV.1SG enter the.bush Me, I'm going into the bush." 45.6 A bo lala a wi dote. 3SGM.PFV enter the.bush 3SGM.PFV be.lost for.good He went into the bush and was lost for good. and 45.7 Nda te so go ɗe a te he a tɨ ho rogɨn do bɨlɨm DEM.M.DIST SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV return 3SGM.PFV return house MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F again lo abana rogɨ ngɨdan do, no ya gɨrɨm with daughter MODF.POSS younger.paternal.uncle MODM.POSS.3PL DET.F 3SGF.PFV become wife nogɨn. MODF.POSS.3SGM That one (the son) returned, he went back to his house again with the daughter of his uncle, she became his wife. 46.1 Blo n a shin gɨ amsɨ ngɨ man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV hear ngɨnɨbu da ndo ji aba ngɨdan wa so word MODM.POSS father MODM.POSS.3PL not DET.M rogɨn. suffering CONTR PRES thing.CONC MODF.POSS.3SGM The man who doesn't listen to his father's advice, then suffering will be his thing. 46.2 Blo n a shin gɨ amsɨ ngɨ man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV hear gɨrɨm ɗe ma wi. word MODM.POSS woman SW.TOP IRR.3SGM be.lost The man who listens to the advice of a woman, he'll be lost. 46.3 Nda so DEM.M.PROX amsɨ n aba ngɨdan a gɨ rɨ a shimesɨn word MOD.M father MODM.POSS.3PL 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO PREP youth ngɨn kꞌani ni ro go do ndwe no ga si gɨn MODM.POSS.3SGM then thing.ABSTR MOD.F PREP DET.F PRES.F.PROX 3SGF.PFV happen PREP.3SGM ho. LP This was the advice that his father told him when he was young, then the thing, here it is, it happened to him. 46.4 Ndo do DEM.F.PROX kitabu ro no story 3SGF.PFV be.finished This is a finished story. MOD.F ge. Appendix C: Text A59 Gɨlkˈa ɨl fɨra Sitan The old woman who surpassed Satan Speaker: Umar Mal Yamani Age when recorded: “quite old” [no exact age given] Location: Gosɨlo (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Sitan, iblisɨ a lu ngwɨn nogɨ wo kꞌani nda kadɨ mey demon Satan 3SGM.PFV come inside MODF.POSS village then 3SGM.IPFV follow people.of kiɗa ngɨn gi a ndɨ dan. work MODPL.POSS.3SGM that 3SGM.NEUT see 3PL.DO Satan came into a village and was looking for his workers in order to meet up with them. 1.2 Kꞌani a ka basku: then 3SGM.PFV meet chicken « To ndag hɨn kiɗa wadi? 2SGF.INDP IPFV.2SG do work which He found a chicken: "What work do you do?" 2 - Don do, bisi rogɨdan yahe u ga lɨ engu lɨ go do; 1SG.INDP DET.F mat MODF.POSS.3PL even 1SG.NEUT put PRO excrement PRO head DET.F ame ngɨdan yahe u da go ga he. water MODPL.POSS.3PL even 1SG.NEUT put PREP mouth LP "Me, regarding their mats, I defecate on them; as for their water, I put my beak into it." 3 - Me he ngamdɨ gi stay LP hard kiɗa rom do ɨl mbin. that work MODF:POSS:2SGF DET.F 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Stay strong. Your work is good." 4 - Iyo. » okay "Ok." 5 Kꞌani a dɨ ni a ka kɨlew: « Aro kɨn then 3SGM.PFV go LP 3SGM.PFV meet dog rongo wadi ndag MODF:POSS:2SGM which IPFV.2SG do then so kiɗa 2SGM.INDP DET.M work hɨn? Then he went and found a dog: "And you, what is the work that you do?" 6.1 - Don so kiɗa rogu do, ndau nji gɨdan. 1SG.INDP DET.M work MODF.POSS:1SG DET.F IPFV.1SG pass.by PREP.3PL "Me, my work, I pass by them. 6.2 Ndei hɨn sala IPFV.3PL u ɗe u ji gɨdan, ngo rogɨdan ɗe do prayer SW.TOP 1SG.NEUT pass.by PREP.3PL place MODF.POSS.3PL SW.TOP da go kure. 1SG.NEUT put PREP urine When they're praying, I pass by them, and their place (where they are praying) I urinate on it. 6.3 Bisie ngɨdan yahe u so lɨ go do biasꞌɨ, u mats MODPL.POSS.3PL even 1SG.NEUT enter PRO head DET.F IDEO Even their mats, I walk on them and move on." 7.1 - Kiɗa rongo do ɨl mbin. work MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Your work is good. dɨ ni. 1SG.NEUT go LP 7.2 Don so ndau die aro kiɗae ɨn yo we ha lɨ zɨrka. » 1SG.INDP DET.M IPFV.1SG travel then work PREP:2PL DET.PL 2PL.IMP do PRO addition I'm going to travel, so your work, add to it." 8 A ga go hajala: « Iya, 3SGM.PFV put head ground 3SGM.IPFV go LP then 3SGM.PFV meet old.woman widow mom sagale tɨn mo, kɨlafia a nda dɨ ni kꞌani a wahare, go lu a ka wahare gɨlkꞌa, wo? welcome ATT peace PREP firewood 2SG.PFV come PREP firewood POL He went down and was going then he found an old woman, a widow: "Mom (respectful greeting for an older woman), greetings, how is firewood (collecting), you came from firewood (collecting)?" 9.1 - A. yes "Yes. 9.2 Kɨlafia. peace I'm doing well. 9.3 Aro na do kɨn then now go lu ni le? 2SGM.INDP 2SG.PFV come LP what Now why have you come?" 10.1 - Wo lu wo ndɨ kiɗa rogɨ kɨlew go basku. 1SG.PFV come 1SG.PFV see work MODF.POSS dog "I came to see the work of a dog and chicken. and chicken 10.2 Kꞌani na do kiɗa rogɨdan then now no ge, ndau to. work MODF.POSS.3PL 3SGF.PFV be.finished IPFV.1SG return.home And now their work is done (so) I'm going home." 11.1 - Iyo. okay "Ok. 11.2 E dɨga kɨn kiɗa rogɨdan wo? 3PL.PFV show 2SGM.IO work MODF.POSS.3PL POL They showed you their work? 11.3 Ɨl mbin, aro te he gi m to gi don ɗama 3SGF.NEUT be.good then return that 1PL.INCL.NEUT return.home that 1SG.INDP but u dɨga kɨn nogu. 1SG.NEUT show 2SGM.IO 3FSG.POSS:1SG Good, then return, let's go home so that even I can show you mine." 12.1 - A-a, u no bo go u 1SG.NEUT can te he wa, iya. 1SG.NEUT return not mom "No, I can't return, mom. 12.2 Dɨgataɓe ɨl vulture a gɨ gi blo n a dɨ sꞌe gi a die aro 3SGF.NEUT say that man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV go outside that 3SGM.PFV travel then te he a to so, dɨ ɨl fɨra rɨ. 3SGM.NEUT return 3SGM.NEUT return.home DET.M 3SGF.INDP 3SGF.NEUT overtake 3SGM.DO The vulture says that a man who goes outside to travel and then returns and comes home, she (the vulture) surpasses him. 12.3 Blo n a sa tɨn nda man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV sit ɨl sa sꞌe aro a tagɨ wa 3SGM.IPFV defecate then 3SGM.NEUT chew things.CONC ɗe dɨ fɨra rɨ. SW.TOP 3SGF.INDP 3SGF.NEUT overtake 3SGM.DO The man who sits down to defecate and eats food, she surpasses him. 12.4 Blo n a ga kure a gol bidi aro i fo gɨ ense man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV put urine PREP on hill then 3PL.NEUT run PREP feet ngɨn ɗe dɨ MODPL.POSS.3SGM SW.TOP ɨl fɨra rɨ. 3SGF.INDP 3SGF.NEUT overtake 3SGM.DO The man who urinates on a hill and it runs into his feet, she surpasses him. 12.5 Aro u to do, eyfu, wa? then 1SG.NEUT return.home CONJ be.ashamed TAG Therefore, if I go home, it'll be shameful, won't it?" 13 - Ɗama alu but gi m to yigɨ gi gɨ ndɨ kiɗa come.IMP that 1PL.INCL.NEUT return.home only that 2SG.NEUT see work rogu. » MODF.POSS:1SG "Nonetheless come, let's go home anyways so you can see my work." 14.1 Kꞌani no tɨl rɨ he e lu ho, no lu no then 3SGF.PFV make.return 3SGM.DO LP 3PL.PFV come house 3SGF.PFV come 3SGF.PFV kꞌɨma rɨ a ɓɨlɨm skwale kꞌani no lu batra batra batra, no hide 3SGM.DO PREP back cooking.pots then 3SGF.PFV come IDEO IDEO IDEO megɨ ndei sa tɨn kꞌani no people IPFV.3PL sit no shi ho sha halbo ngɨ ka 3SGF.PFV meet blo pal ho no dɨ ni then 3SGF.PFV pick.up shoe MODM.POSS man one LP 3SGF.PFV go LP rogɨ en gade. 3SGF.PFV put house MODF.POSS another.M Then she made him return and they came home, she came and hid him behind some cooking pots then she came and found people who were sitting down and she took the shoe of one man and she went and put it at the house of another. 14.2 Kꞌani no lu no fe blo n no do halbo ho then 3SGF.PFV come 3SGF.PFV call man MOD.M 3SGF.PFV bring shoe house rogɨn so: « Eni, MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.M alu! so.and.so come.IMP Then she came and called the man whose house she took the shoe to: "So-and-so come!" 15 - Iya, to kɨlafia yigɨ, wa? mom 2SGF.INDP peace only TAG "Mom, are you okay at least?" 16.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 16.2 Alu mo kɨn. » come.IMP ATT 2SGM.INDP Please come." 17.1 Kꞌani a sꞌaga a dɨ gɨdɨ ho. then 3SGM.PFV rise.up 3SGM.PFV go PREP.3SGF LP Then he got up and went to her. 17.2 Ɨl gɨ rɨ gi: « Ha! 3SGF.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that (exclamation) She said to him: "Ha! 17.3 Kɨn, ni ro do go shin go wo? 2SGM.INDP thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX 2SG.PFV hear POL You, this thing, have you heard?" 18 - Ndo ni PRES le kꞌo wo shin go wa. thing.ABSTR what again 1SG.PFV hear not "What is it again? I haven't heard." 19 - Wre, le i asɨro, go shin go dam da 2PL.INDP children NMOD.PL today 2SG.PFV hear mani enshi; go liar.F rogu ro ngaba ro do ndag hɨn hɨn do well CONTR IPFV.2SG do 1SG.DO like ɗama u head MODF.POSS:1SG MOD.F white DEM.F.PROX but ne enshi he kꞌo 1SG.NEUT cut lie LP again yigɨ wo? only TAG "You, children of today, you have heard well, but you're making me out to be a liar; (with) my white (i.e. old) head would I still lie?" 20 - A-a, iya no wo ni ro go shin go ɗe mom thing.ABSTR MOD.F 2SG.PFV hear gɨ SW.TOP hɨn mo, don 2SG.NEUT do ATT 1SG.INDP shin go wa dɨge. 1SG.PFV hear not very "No, Mom, tell me what you heard, I really haven't heard." 21 - Aro eni so nda du go gɨrɨm nongo do dɨge, then so.and.so DET.M 3SGM.IPFV walk with wife MODF.PREP:2SGM DET.F very saraki yahe. most probably "Ok, so-and-so is having an affair with your wife, it's certain." 22 - A-a, nda no du go dɨ wa nonto. 3SGM.IPFV walk with 3SGF.PO not otherwise "No, he's not having an affair with her." 23.1 - Don, wo gɨ gi kɨn mɨg la gu enshi ho do, 1SG.INDP 1SG.PFV say that 2SGM.INDP IRR.2SG cut PREP.1SG lie nda, LP CONJ da CONTR wa? first.of.all TAG "I told you you would call me a liar, didn't I? 23.2 Dɨ ho rongo do so tag ka halbo ngɨn so go house MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F then PROH.2SG meet shoe MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.M a lɨ PREP PRO wa tɨmo. » not then Go to your house and (see if you) don't find his shoe there then." 24 A to kꞌani a te he a lu gi: « Wo 3SGM.PFV return.home then 3SGM.PFV return 3SGM.PFV come that ka halbo so dɨ ni wo 1SG.PFV go 1SG.PFV do jire. meet shoe DET.M like truth He went home then returned: "I went and found the shoe, it's true." 25 - Don wo ka halbo so kꞌani dasi wo lu gi u i 1SG.INDP 1SG.PFV meet shoe DET.M then next 1SG.PFV come that 1SG.NEUT seize kɨn sɨrɨn. » 2SGM.IO knowledge "I found the shoe then I came to let you know." 26.1 Kꞌani dasi blo so a mɨn gɨ msi halbo so ho go mio kal gi then next man DET.M 3SGM.PFV attack PREP man.of shoe DET.M LP PREP knife just that a la rɨ ga fɨn go gɨrɨm nogɨn. 3SGM.PFV cut 3SGM.IO mouth hut with wife MODF.POSS.3SGM Then the man attacked the shoe owner with a knife because he [thought he had] caught him, cheating on him with his wife. 26.2 Megɨ ngɨdan ɗe e sꞌaga gatra gatra gatra. people MODPL.POSS.3PL SW.TOP 3PL.PFV rise.up IDEO His (the shoe owner's) people rose up (to fight). 26.3 Megɨ ngɨ en a de mio so ɗe e sꞌaga, kꞌani people MODM.POSS 3SGM 3SGM.PFV throw knife DET.M SW.TOP 3PL.PFV rise.up then wo no de si maragɨ. village 3SGF.PFV throw REFL together The people of the one who stabbed (the other) rose up, then the village was in an uproar. 26.4 Ndei la maragɨ go IPFV.3PL balimie. cut together with weapons They attacked each other with weapons. 26.5 Nasku ndal soul IPFV.3SGF shi si tɨn, nda so nda die 3SGM.IPFV die DEM.M.PROX madɨ, ndei madɨ nia. IPFV.3PL die excess ndɨ dan, wa? Souls died, this one was dying, there were lots of people dying. 26.6 Kꞌani gɨlkꞌa do ɨl gɨ iblisɨ so: then old.woman DET.F 3SGF.NEUT say Satan DET.M Then the old woman said to Satan: "You see them, eh?" 27.1 - A. yes "Yes. 27.2 Wo ndɨ dan nia. 1SG.PFV see 3PL.DO well I saw them well." 28 - Ndau IPFV.1SG ha dan yo go gɨ maragɨ ti. » do 3PL.DO LP PREP PREP together then "I'm going to separate them from each other then." 29.1 Kꞌani no si shafu no da go fu. then 3SGF.PFV take grass 3SGF.PFV light PREP fire Then she took some straw and lit it on fire. « Go 2SG.PFV see 3PL.DO TAG 29.2 Kꞌani ɨl nda gɨ fɨre yo cof cof. then 3SGF.NEUT light PREP huts DET.PL IDEO IDEO Then she lit the homes on fire. 29.3 Fu no sꞌaga a wo do kꞌani yagi ma a man gɨ hara yo, fire 3SGF.PFV rise.up PREP village DET.F then each one 3SGM.PFV leave PREP war LP a do gɨ ho rogɨn. 3SGM.NEUT go PREP house MODF.POSS.3SGM Fire rose up in the village then each one left the battle and ran to his home. 29.4 Yagi ma a do gɨ ho rogɨn kꞌani no gɨ rɨ gi: each one 3SGM.PFV go PREP house MODF.POSS.3SGM then 3SGF.PFV say 3SGM.IO that « Go ndɨ, wa? 2SG.PFV see TAG Each one ran to his house then she said to him: "Did you see? 29.5 E man gɨ hara yo do? » 3PL.PFV leave PREP war LP DET.F They left the battle." 30.1 Kꞌani a gɨ dɨ gi: then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGF.IO that « Shayo ɨl Kɨmani rom! curse of God MODF:POSS:2SGF Then he said: "The curse of God is yours! 30.2 To, gɨlkꞌa ro do, don ma, gɨ fɨra hɨn. » 2SGF.INDP old.woman DEM.F.PROX 1SG.INDP FOC 2SG.NEUT overtake 1SG.DO You, old woman, even me, you surpass me." 31.1 Aro gɨlkꞌa do tag ha dɨ mbɨrse wa. then old.woman DET.F PROH.2SG do 3SGF.IO trust not Therefore an old woman, don't trust her. 31.2 Gɨlkꞌa no so ho rongo aro mɨl kɨl ho old.woman 3SGF.PFV enter house MODF:POSS:2SGM then IRR.3SGF destroy house rongo. MODF:POSS:2SGM If an old woman enters your house, she'll destroy your home. 31.3 No bo mbɨrse wa. 3SGF.PFV have trust not She's not trustworthy. 31.4 Fitɨna do, ji rogɨdan, hajalae yo. conflict DET.F thing.CONC MODF.POSS.3PL widows DET.PL Trouble is their thing, widows. Appendix D: Text A76 Lo n yaga jarabu wasi ngɨ aba ngɨdan The son who wanted to test the advice of his father Speaker: Umar Mal Yamani Age when recorded: “quite old” [no exact age given] Location: Gosɨlo (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Lo da aba ngɨdan a fo rɨ wasi kꞌani yaga jarabu. son CONTR father MODM.POSS.3PL 3SGM.PFV give 3SGM.IO advice then VOL.3SGM try The son his father gave him advice then he wanted to test it. 1.2 Sam ngɨ me nda lɨ so a ga engu lake do, nɨman da ram MODM.POSS sultan be.at.M PRO DET.M he put excrement each.F a ngaɗɨ tɨn: gursɨ dubu ɨl gasi, gursɨ 3SGM.NEUT put.repeatedly ground money thousand NMOD.F two ngaɗɨ tɨn money CONTR dubu a money thousand 3SGM.NEUT tɨlok tɨlok. put.repeatedly ground IDEO IDEO The ram of [the] sultan there, when he defecates money falls to the ground: 2000 francs, 1000 francs falls to the ground. 1.3 Kꞌani lo so a dɨ ni a then son DET.M 3SGM.PFV go Then the son went and stole the ram. si sam so heysɨn. 3SGM.PFV take ram DET.M theft 2.1 Aba ngɨdan a fo rɨ wasi a gɨ rɨ gi: « Si father MODM.POSS.3PL 3SGM.PFV give 3SGM.IO advice 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that kɨlayaskɨ, tag si gɨrɨm no take ngurzam wa. young.woman PROH.2SG take wife MOD.F fat not His father gave him this advice: "Take a young woman [as a wife], don't take a fat (non-virgin) woman. 2.2 Si lo sɨ wo do saba, si lo sɨ mɨskire do saba. take son NMOD.M village as friend take son NMOD.M poor.people as friend Take a son of the village as a friend, take a poor man as a friend. 2.3 Si mɨskin n a ka wa mblin do saba, take poor.man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV find things.CONC new fae si bɨrba sɨ as friend take rich.man NMOD.M do saba. » years as friend Take a poor man who recently found money as a friend, take a man of old wealth (inherited wealth) as a friend." 2.4 Nde yo a DEM.PL.PROX nsi fogɨ gasi, gasi. 3SGM.PFV take all two two These he took all two, two. 2.5 Kꞌani a dɨ ni a then 3SGM.PFV go nogɨ ho of si sam so heysɨn a 3SGM.PFV take ram DET.M theft rogɨn. house MODF.POSS.3SGM Then he went and stole the ram and hid it inside his house. kꞌɨma cɨbɨd a ngwɨn 3SGM.PFV hide IDEO PREP inside 2.6 Kꞌani a dɨ ni a then 3SGM.PFV go le go wa dɨwo sam n 3SGM.PFV buy yo; kꞌani a slaughter PREP neck LP gade, a lu a ram MOD.M other 3SGM.PFV come 3SGM.PFV nfo garam ngɨn yo shu. then 3SGM.PFV give women MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL meat Then he went and bought another ram, he slaughtered it then he gave his wives the meat. 3 Faɗe kꞌani dekoma a hɨ gwa gi: « Saraki yahe, hɨngwo ngɨ night then town.crier 3SGM.PFV put announcement that me e si heysɨn kania sultan 3PL.PFV take theft a ɗo do, blo n most.probably goat a ka lɨ MODM.POSS aro ji ro therefore man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV find PRO then thing.CONC MOD.F mi ga rɨ lɨ nɨman. » 3SGM.PFV bring DET.F IRR.3PL put 3SGM.IO PRO money [It was] night then the town crier announced, "It's certain, the ram of the chief was stolen, therefore the man that finds it, whatever he brings, they'll fill it with money." 4.1 Lo so a gɨ garam ngɨn yo: son DET.M 3SGM.PFV say wives MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL « Ndau gɨ re we IPFV.1SG say 2PL.IO 2PL.IMP shin go. hear The son said to his wives, "I'm telling you, listen. 4.2 Ji ro, ndo sam ngɨ me so da wo si heysɨn, thing.CONC DEM.F.PROX PRES ram MODM.POSS sultan DET.M CONTR 1SG.PFV take theft kania tawe gɨ wa gi mi la hɨn. » therefore PROH.2PL.IMP say not that IRR.3PL kill 1SG.DO This thing, it's the ram of the sultan that I stole, therefore don't say anything or they'll kill me." 4.3 Kꞌani a si mshar ngɨn then 3SGM.PFV take axe a MODM.POSS.3SGM dɨ lala. 3SGM.PFV go the.bush Then he took his axe and went into the bush. 5 A dɨ lala kꞌani dɨ, gɨrɨm no dɨmo do 3SGM.PFV go the.bush then 3SGF.INDP wife MOD.F big kal, gɨs gɨs gɨs no just IDEO m lu do gɨ kɨlayaskɨ no DET.F do si do ni so 3SGF.PFV take meat DET.M ho gi: « To 3SGF.PFV come MMR PREP young.woman DET.F LP that dɨ ni m shu sꞌaga gi 2SGF.INDP rise.up that mo! 1PL:INCL.IMP go LP 1PL:INCL.IMP go thing.ABSTR ATT He went into the bush then his big (older) wife took the meat, she came with it to the young wife and said, "Get up, let's go, let's go!" 6 - Aro wi sɨ ngɨmo so mi la rɨ, wa? then husband MODM.POSS.1PL:INCL DET.M IRR.3PL kill 3SGM.DO TAG "But our husband, they'll kill him, won't they?" 7.1 - A-a, meywe n no men kaɗagɨ nde yo, MOD.PL a madɨ aro gɨ many DEM.PL.PROX 3SGM.PFV die si en gade, then 2SG.NEUT take another.M wa? TAG "No, there's lots of men, if he dies you can marry another one, right? 7.2 Dɨmba da go do ni yahe mi ga kɨn lɨ nɨman do da... large.calabash CONTR 2SG.PFV bring LP even IRR.3PL put 2SGM.IO PRO money DET.F CONTR Even if you bring a large calabash, they'll fill it with money..." 8.1 - Ɨm-ɨm! no "No! 8.2 Mi la IRR.3PL wi sɨ ngɨmo so. kill husband MODM.POSS.1PL:INCL DET.M They'll kill our husband." 9.1 - To, go jiyi ɗama don 2SGF.INDP 2SG.PFV refuse but ndau dɨ ni tɨmo. » 1SG.INDP IPFV.1SG go LP then "You, you refuse but I'm still going to go." 9.2 Dasi kangwaɗe no next fear i dɨ, kꞌani no sa tɨn do, wa 3SGF.PFV reach 3SGF.DO then 3SGF.PFV put ground CONJ things.CONC nkashi si 3PL.NEUT pour sa gɨdɨ. REFL PREP.3SGF Then fear seized her (the young wife), she sat on the ground, blood flowed out of her. 9.3 Ski da a fo tɨn gɨdɨ. blood CONTR 3SGM.NEUT run ground PREP.3SGF Blood flowed into the ground from her. 9.4 Kꞌani nte do ɗe bɨn bɨn bɨn no then DEM.F.DIST SW.TOP IDEO dɨ gey holme. 3SGF.PFV go in.front.of sultanate Then that one (the older wife) she went in front of the sultanate. 9.5 « Sam so ram eni DET.M da a la kꞌani shu so ma ndawe. so.and.so CONTR 3SGM.PFV kill then meat DET.M FOC PRES.M.PROX "The ram, so-and-so, he killed it and here is the meat. 9.6 A la kꞌani a na ne. » 3SGM.PFV kill then 3SGM.PFV cut.up 1PL:EXCL.IO He killed it and he gave it to us." 10.1 Dan ɗe a lu a lala kꞌani a ka gɨrɨm 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV come PREP the.bush then 3SGM.PFV meet wife nogɨn do a ngo MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F PREP ɨl ski cɨɓok. place NMOD.F blood IDEO Him, he came from the bush and found his wife sitting in blood. 10.2 « Gɨ hamo? 2SG.NEUT happen.NEG "What's wrong? 10.3 Kɨlafia yigɨ ni peace ro? » only thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX Is there at least peace?" 10.4 Kangwaɗe no fear sa rɨ. 3SGF.PFV reach 3SGM.DO Fear had seized him. 11.1 - Gwa rogɨ dekoma ɨl faɗe do da hal ndaw. announcement MODF.POSS town.crier NMOD.F night DET.F CONTR act PRES.M.PROX "The announcement of the town crier in the night was this. 11.2 Kꞌani gɨrɨm nongo nte no si shu no do ni. then wife MODF:POSS:2SGM PRES.F.DIST 3SGF.PFV take meat 3SGF.PFV bring LP Then your wife there, she took the meat and brought [it] there." 12.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 12.2 Nondo wo? in.that.way POL It's like that? 12.3 Kɨske. easy [That's] easy. 12.4 Tia ma blo so a ya haɗi yo aro, wala e la olden.times FOC man DET.M 3SGM.PFV become thief already then either 3PL.PFV kill rɨ, wala a 3SGM.DO or so dangaya yigɨ, wa? 3SGM.PFV enter prison only TAG Even in olden times, if a man becomes a thief, either they kill him or he goes to prison, right? 12.5 Aro ɨrfu m ta ska yo wa gi kɨske. then heart MODM:POSS:2SGF PROH.3SGM be.sad not that easy So your heart shouldn't be sad, because [it's] easy. 12.6 To ɗe mɨg si wi gara ni ro dɨ no gɨ 2SGF.INDP SW.TOP IRR.2SG take husband like thing.ABSTR MOD.F 3SGF.INDP 3SGF.PFV say do yigɨ, wa? » DET.F only TAG You, you'll take [another] husband like what she told you, won't you?" 13.1 Shime kꞌani gumie after e lu gria gria gria e then soldiers 3PL.PFV come IDEO Then later the soldiers came and they arrested him. 13.2 E ɓa rɨ shaɗe ɓɨlɨm. 3PL.PFV tie.up 3SGM.IO hands behind They tied up his hands behind [him]. 13.3 Dasi ndei do rɨ ni bɨtra bɨtra. next IPFV.3PL bring 3SGM.DO LP IDEO Then they took him away. kꞌo gɨn tab. 3PL.PFV seize PREP.3SGM IDEO 13.4 Wo do ɗe ndei swel kanga, ndei village DET.F SW.TOP IPFV.3PL beat drum a beat drum that 3PL.NEUT get together PREP meeting.place PREP in.front.of sultanate that man MOD.M NONSP.M 3SGM.PFV do theft rɨ gi yai gi ka maragɨ dangal, ɗo holme; IPFV.3PL i a kꞌani ndei gey swel gunja gi la blo n si a hɨn heysɨn rɨ. then IPFV.3PL bring 3SGM.DO that VOL.3PL kill 3SGM.DO The village, they played drums, they played drums so that people will come together at the meeting place in front of the sultanate, [saying] because a man stole [something], they're bringing him so that they can kill him. 13.5 Megɨ yo i sha si gey holme dɨgɨ dɨgɨ. people DET.PL 3PL.NEUT group together in.front.of sultanate IDEO So the people gathered together in front of the sultanate. 13.6 Wo do ɨl hacꞌan gɨ si. village DET.F 3SGF.NEUT shake REFL The village was in an uproar. 13.7 Megɨ n i ya gɨn wa yo ɗe ndei ga rɨ people MOD.M 3PL.NEUT want PREP.3SGM not DET.PL SW.TOP IPFV.3PL speak 3SGM.IO amsɨ sam sam. word a lot The people who don't like him (the thief) were speaking against him a lot. 13.8 Dan ɗe, nda, e ɓa rɨ shaɗe ɓɨlɨm ndei do rɨ 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP already 3PL.PFV tie.up 3SGM.IO hands behind IPFV.3PL bring 3SGM.DO ni bɨtra bɨtra kꞌani a LP IDEO gɨ dan gi: then 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that « Aro ndewe do then bring 1SG.DO LP that PRES.PL.PROX hɨn ni gi we dɨ ni we la hɨn yahe saba ngu nda so we do 2PL.NEUT go LP 2PL.NEUT kill 1SG.DO even friend MODM.POSS:1SG DEM.M.PROX 2PL.IMP bring hɨn gɨn ho gi u ndɨ rɨ; u ha rɨ samwe, ala kɨlafia. 1SG.DO PREP.3SGM LP that 1SG.NEUT see 3SGM.DO 1SG.NEUT do 3SGM.IO farewell good bye Him, his hands were already tied up behind [him], they were bringing him along then he said, "Even though you're bringing me along so that you'll go and kill me, this friend of mine, take me to him so that I can see him; I'll tell him goodbye. 13.9 Ndau dɨ madi nga IPFV.1SG do. go death completely CONJ I'm just going to die." 14 - Saba ngo so e le? friend MODM:POSS:2SGM DET.M 3SGM what "Your friend, who is it?" 15.1 - Eni nda so. » so.and.so DEM.M.PROX "It's so-and-so." 15.2 Bɨrba n a ka wa mblin so. rich.man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV find things.CONC new [It was] the rich man who recently found money. 15.3 Kꞌani e do rɨ gɨn ho. then 3PL.PFV bring 3SGM.DO PREP.3SGM LP They brought him (the thief) to him. DET.M 16.1 Kꞌani a gɨ saba ngɨn so gi: « Megɨ yo then 3SGM.NEUT say friend MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M that kiɗae do, kɨn ndag hɨn ni le gi ndei hɨn people DET.PL IPFV.3PL do gɨ si sam sɨ mayo work CONJ 2SGM.INDP IPFV.2SG do thing.ABSTR what that 2SG.NEUT take ram NMOD.M owners heysɨn? theft Then he (the newly rich man) says to his friend, "People are working, and you do what, you steal someone's ram? 16.2 We do rɨ ni. 2PL.IMP bring 3SGM.DO LP Take him away. 16.3 Mɨradɨ rogɨn dan mbodo a problem MODF.POSS.3SGM 3SGM.INDP even ya go. » 3SGM.NEUT want Even [this] problem of his, he wanted [it]." 17.1 E dɨ gako kꞌani e ka gey ho rogɨ saba 3PL.PFV go in.front.of then 3PL.PFV meet in.front.of house MODF.POSS friend ngɨn n bɨrba MODM.POSS.3SGM MOD.M sɨ fae so. rich.man NMOD.M years DET.M They went on then they came to the house of his friend the rich man of old money. 17.2 Kꞌani a gɨ dan gi: then 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that nda so « We do hɨn gɨ saba ngu 2PL.IMP bring 1SG.DO PREP friend MODM.POSS:1SG ho. » DEM.M.PROX LP Then he said to them, "Bring me to this friend of mine." 18.1 Ngo ro e dɨ ni, kꞌani bɨrba place MOD.F 3PL.PFV go nondo kꞌani a gɨ re ɨl ɗala, fae a so me he then rich.man NMOD.M years DET.M 3SGM.PFV stay dan gi: in.that.way then 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that gɨ sɨ « We sabɨ gu, ni ro mu 2PL.IMP wait PREP.1SG thing.ABSTR MOD.F IRR.1SG ɗama... » say 2PL.IO 3SGF.NEUT be.not but They went there, then the old-money rich man remained quiet then he said to them, "Wait for me, the thing I have to say to you is nothing, but..." 18.2 A to a so sꞌe a lugu ngɨn so kꞌani 3SGM.PFV return.home 3SGM.PFV undress PREP gandura MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M then a fo dan gi: « Dawra ngu nda so we i aro name 3SGM.PFV give 3PL.IO that gandura MODM.POSS:1SG DEM.M.PROX 2PL.IMP seize then rope yo kal yo dɨr he a DET.PL just DET.PL 2PL.IMP loosen PREP PREP hands MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL little we gɨ shaɗe ngɨn yo shime. » He returned home, he took off his gandura then he gave it to them [and said], "This gandura of mine, take it then the ropes, loosen them from around his hands a little." 18.3 E i kꞌani name yo e dɨr he. 3PL.PFV seize then rope DET.PL 3PL.PFV loosen They took [it] then they loosened the ropes. 18.4 (Dawra so ndo lugu.) gandura DET.M PRES gandura ("Dawra" is a gandura.) 19.1 Kꞌani dasi, e do rɨ ni bɨtra bɨtra, e then next 3PL.PFV bring 3SGM.DO LP IDEO sɨ mɨskin NMOD.M poor.man DET.M dɨ ni e ka saba 3PL.PFV go LP 3PL.PFV meet friend so. Then they brought him along, they went and met [his] friend the poor man. 19.2 Dan ɗe a gɨ dan gi i do rɨ ni gi dan 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that 3PL.NEUT bring 3SGM.DO LP that 3SGM.INDP da a ya go; a CONTR 3SGM.NEUT want hɨn heysɨn do. 3SGM.PFV do theft DET.F Him (the poor man) told them to take him (the thief) away because he [got what] he wanted, he stole. 19.3 E dɨ ni e ka lo ngɨ me, yerima n meyna klabe toa 3PL.PFV go LP 3PL.PFV meet son MODM.POSS sultan son.of.sultan MOD.M prince in.waiting a dangal so. PREP meeting.place DET.M They went and met the son of the sultan, the son who was the heir, at the meeting place. 19.4 Meyna n aba ngɨdan a madɨ aro dan prince MOD.M father MODPL.POSS.3PL 3SGM.PFV die ya me da ma then 3SGM.INDP CONTR IRR.3SGM so. become sultan DET.M [It was] the prince who when his father dies then him, he'll become sultan. 19.5 Kꞌani haɗi so a gɨ dan gi: then thief DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that mo. » ATT « We do hɨn gɨ eni ho 2PL.IMP bring 1SG.DO PREP so.and.so LP Then the thief said to them, "Bring me to so-and-so there." 20.1 E do rɨ gɨ meyna so ho. 3PL.PFV bring 3SGM.DO PREP prince DET.M LP They brought him to the prince. 20.2 Dan ɗe, nda, a de lugu ngɨn maragɨ. 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP already 3SGM.PFV throw gandura MODM.POSS.3SGM together Him, he wrapped his gandura around him. 20.3 Yaga dɨ gey gulo a VOL.3SGM « We mban go sarbedɨ kꞌani a go near river 3SGM.NEUT bathe with towel gɨ dan gi: then 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that sabɨ gu. 2PL.IMP wait PREP.1SG He was going to go to the river to bathe with his towel, then he said to them, "Wait for me. 20.4 We dɨ gɨ aba ngɨne ho aro we gɨ rɨ gi 2PL.IMP go PREP father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL LP then 2PL.IMP say 3SGM.IO that a sabɨ gu. 3SGM.NEUT wait PREP.1SG Go to my father, then tell him that he should wait for me. 20.5 Sɨ ro wo lu aro sɨran gi ni ro a ya go gi a when 1SG.PFV come then before thing.ABSTR MOD.F 3SGM.NEUT want that 3SGM.NEUT hɨn aro ma hɨn, waro do then IRR.3SGM do ta la rɨ dɨban don wa. » otherwise PROH.3SGM kill 3SGM.DO without 1SG.INDP not When I come then the thing he wants to do he can do, otherwise don't kill him (the thief) without me." 20.6 A mban lan kꞌani a so gwane ngɨn. 3SGM.PFV bathe completely then 3SGM.PFV dress clothes MODPL.POSS.3SGM He washed completely then he put on his clothes. 21.1 Dan ɗe, nda, e ɗɨ rɨ tɨn tɨngɨr a 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP already 3PL.PFV put.down 3SGM.DO ground publicly PREP mɓala sꞌa rɨ. open.plot.of.land only him Him (the thief), they had put him down publicly on an open plot of land by himself. 21.2 Wo do fogɨ da village DET.F all no CONTR hɨ rɨ ga maragɨ. 3SGF.PFV encircle 3SGM.IO mouth together All of the village was surrounding him. 21.3 Dasi e do rɨ ni gria gria gria e next 3PL.PFV bring 3SGM.DO LP IDEO gako rogɨ me so: sɨ ro i la saba tɨn a 3PL.PFV put 3SGM.DO ground PREP « Barka rongo, in.front.of MODF.POSS sultan DET.M gi ɗɨ rɨ meyna eni a gɨ blessing MODF:POSS:2SGM prince so.and.so 3SGM.PFV say ngɨn so aro i sabɨ gɨn. that when 3PL.NEUT kill friend MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M then 3PL.NEUT wait PREP.3SGM Then they brought him along and put him down in front of the sultan [and said], "Your blessing; prince so-and-so, he said that when they're going to kill his friend then they should wait for him. 21.4 A lu aro sɨran gi, waro 3SGM.PFV come then before tei la rɨ wa. » otherwise PROH.3PL kill 3SGM.DO not He (the prince) will come before [that happens], otherwise they shouldn't kill him." 21.5 Kꞌani meyna so a lu tɨlak tɨlak. then prince DET.M 3SGM.PFV come IDEO Then the prince came. 21.6 A sa tɨn a 3SGM.PFV sit gɨ PREP PREP saba ngɨn so he tas. friend MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M LP IDEO He sat down beside his friend. 21.7 Kꞌani a gɨ megɨ yo gi: then 3SGM.PFV say people DET.PL that « Sa! quiet! Then he said to the people, "Quiet! 21.8 Aba, na do gɨ father now hɨn tama gi 2SG.NEUT expect go madɨ aro yagi that 2SG.PFV die da sultan Father, now you expect that [when] you die then who will become sultan?" kɨn da mɨg ya me, wa? son MODM.POSS:1SG 2SGM.INDP CONTR IRR.2SG become sultan TAG "My son, you will become sultan, won't you?" 23.1 - Iyo. okay "Okay. ya then who.M CONTR IRR.3SGM become me? 22 - Lo ngu, ma 23.2 Ɨl mbin. 3SGF.NEUT be.good That's good. 23.3 Don da mu ya me? 1SG.INDP CONTR IRR.1SG become sultan Me, I'll become sultan?" 24.1 - A. yes "Yes. 24.2 Mɨg IRR.2SG ya me. become sultan You'll become sultan." 25.1 - Iyo, aro mu ya me ɗama go okay then IRR.1SG become sultan but ngu n MODPL.POSS:1SG MOD.M ya me maɗɨ ne sabae ngu, go megɨ with friends MODPL.POSS:1SG with people hɨn anasa go maragɨ, waro u 1PL:EXCL.PFV do keeping.company with together otherwise 1SG.NEUT kꞌaw dɨban saba ngu do, mɨl bo gɨ si la become sultan for.nothing alone without friend MODM.POSS:1SG CONJ IRR.3SGF be possible MMR he? what "Okay, then I'll become sultan but [it will be] with my friends, with my people who we keep company together, otherwise if I become sultan alone without my friends, is that even possible? 25.2 Ndag la IPFV.2SG sɨran gi la saba ngu so aro don da la hɨn a gay kill friend MODM.POSS:1SG DET.M then 1SG.INDP CONTR kill 1SG.DO PREP first rɨ. » before kill 3SGM.DO You're going to kill my friend, then me, kill me first before you kill him." 26.1 Aba so a la go tɨn nondo father DET.M 3SGM.PFV think kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi : a.long.time then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that ngu, amsɨ ngo so MODM.POSS:1SG word MODM:POSS:2SGM DET.M truth « Jire, lo truth jire. The father thought for a while then he said to him (the prince), "True, my son, your word is true. 26.2 Mansɨn da ndo nɨman. sultanate CONTR PRES money The sultanate is money. 26.3 Aro saba ngo so don wo afil rɨ. then friend MODM:POSS:2SGM DET.M 1SG.INDP 1SG.PFV pardon 3SGM.DO So your friend, I pardon him. 26.4 Name ngɨn rope yo MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL His ropes, untie them." we fal yo. » 2PL.IMP untie son 27.1 E fal yo, kꞌani saba 3PL.PFV untie a gɨ gi: 3SGM.PFV say that a gɨ hɨn so a sꞌaga a me he laga then friend DET.M 3SGM.PFV rise.up 3SGM.PFV stay « Jire, don truth gi so, ndo amsɨ ngɨ aba ro ngɨne 1SG.INDP DET.M PRES word MODM.POSS father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL tau si gɨrɨm no ngurzam wa, u 3SGM.PFV say 1SG.IO that PROH.1SG take wife MOD.F fat kɨlayaskɨ standing.up don da u si not 1SG.NEUT take hɨn dɨ do gɨrɨm. young.woman MOD.F 1SG.INDP CONTR 1SG.NEUT do 3SGF.DO as wife They untied [the ropes] then the friend (thief), he stood up and said, "Truth, me, it was the advice of my father, he told me don't marry a fat (non-virgin) woman, I should take a young woman who I deflowered as a wife. 27.2 Tau si PROH.1SG gɨlkꞌa wa. take old.woman not I shouldn't take an old woman. 27.3 Aba ngɨne a gɨ hɨn gi megɨ n nondo father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL 3SGM.PFV say 1SG.IO that people MOD.PL in.that.way kaɗa yo, u nkam do sabae fogɨ. such.and.such DET.PL 1SG.NEUT choose.several as friends all My father he told me that these certain people, I should choose them as friends. 27.4 Kꞌani wo jarabu kꞌani no then 1SG.PFV try lu kal kal. then 3SGF.PFV come just exactly Then I tried [it out] and it came out exactly [right]. 27.5 Aro sam so nda te a lɨ kania we dɨ ni we then ram DET.M PRES.M.DIST PREP PRO therefore 2PL.IMP go si we ɗo. » 2PL.IMP take 2PL.IMP bring Then the ram is there, therefore go get it and bring it." 27.6 Kꞌani gɨrɨm nogɨn ro no ɗo enshi do da e kꞌo then wife MODF.POSS.3SGM MOD.F 3SGF.PFV bring a lie DET.F CONTR 3PL.PFV seize gɨdɨ e le gɨdɨ go gi no le enshi he. PREP.3SGF 3PL.PFV take PREP.3SGF head that 3SGF.PFV lie Then the wife who lied, they seized her and beheaded her because she lied. Appendix E: Text B86 Ngɨbe ngɨ kɨlew go dɨla e ha mashi ‘The trick of dog and jackal that they played on hyena’ Speaker: Alifa Age when recorded: at least 100 Location: Biamo Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Kɨlew go dɨla dog ndei dɨ sam. and jackal IPFV.3PL go hunt Dog and jackal went hunting. 1.2 Kꞌani dɨla so a ke gɨn gi: « Kɨn, then jackal DET.M 3SGM.PFV ask PREP.3SGM that na do, mo 2SGM.INDP now ndam kadɨ nkꞌe do, ankal ngo IPFV.1PL:INCL wander speed MODM:POSS:2SGM DET.M how.many CONJ so 1PL:INCL.INDP garo? Then jackal asked him, "You, now, we're wandering about, how many 'speeds' do you have?" 2 - Ankal ngu speed so MODM.POSS:1SG DET.M hamsin », da a fifty 3SGM.PFV say "I have fifty speeds," he said. 3.1 Kꞌani msꞌi a lu go ame. then wind 3SGM.PFV come with rain Then wind came with rain. CONTR gɨ. 3.2 Kꞌani e then dɨ ni e 3PL.PFV go so gɨ mashi ho a wɨlɨm; feyde no 3PL.PFV enter PREP hyena LP PREP pit luck lu. 3SGF.PFV come Then they went and entered where hyena was in a hole; luck had come [for hyena]. 3.3 Ngo ro e when gɨ mashi so ho, kꞌani dɨla 3PL.PFV enter PREP hyena DET.M LP he cꞌamo gi: LP so softly that « Kɨn, ankal ngo a do gɨ kɨlew ga then jackal 3SGM.PFV whisper dog n hamsin so, 2SGM.INDP speed MODM:POSS:2SGM MOD.M fifty DET.M a mouth ji he 3SGM.PFV remain garo? » how.many When they entered where hyena was, then jackal whispered quietly in dog's ear, "You, your fifty speeds, how many are left?" 4 A gɨ rɨ gi: 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that «A ji he 3SGM.PFV remain one He told him, "One remains." 5.1 - A ji he pal? 3SGM.PFV remain one "One remains? 5.2 Aro en pal so ndo e le? then 3SGM one DET.M PRES 3SGM what Then the one, what is it?" 6.1 - Eu! IDEO "Eu! (sound of a howl) pal. 6.2 yigɨ da no ji he. » only CONTR 3SGF.PFV stay LP Only that remains." 7.1 Dɨla a la go tɨn nondo, jackal 3SGM.PFV think kꞌani a gɨ gi: « Ɨl long.time then 3SGM.PFV say that mbin. » 3SGF.NEUT be.good Jackal thought for a while, then he said, "Good." 7.2 A gɨ rɨ gi: « Dɨmo ro 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that no ɗɨ sheep mo ho do, ndam ɗo MOD.F IPFV.1PL:INCL dɨ ni, si, 3SGF.PFV go.beyond 1PL:INCL.IO LP CONJ go mashi so, kꞌani bring hyena DET.M then ɗo. » take bring He said to him (dog), "The sheep that we were bringing to hyena, then it got away from us, go, get it, bring it." 7.3 Mashi a la rɨ si kꞌashi a gey fɨn so kꞌani a bo sꞌe hyena 3SGM.PFV cut 3SGM.IO REFL small PREP in.front.of hut DET.M then 3SGM.PFV leave a dɨ ni a 3SGM.PFV go he a LP ji lɨ sian; a gey dɨla a do gɨn ga 3SGM.PFV stay PRO quietly because jackal 3SGM.PFV whisper PREP.3SGM mouth gɨ rɨ gi: 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that « Go dɨ ni aro ji 2SG.PFV go ngo do. » then stay place DET.F Hyena just let him pass at the entrance to the room, then he (dog) took off, he went and stayed there quietly, because jackal had whispered in his ear, he told him, "When you go then stay at the place [where you go]." 8.1 Kꞌani a then dɨ ni do, 3SGM.PFV go CONJ a te he kꞌo wa. 3SGM.PFV return again not Then when he went, he didn't return again. 8.2 Dɨla a gɨ mashi so gi: « Nandɨ! jackal 3SGM.PFV say hyena DET.M that see.IMP Jackal said to hyena, "Look! 8.3 Lambalsɨn ngɨn stupidity a MODM.POSS.3SGM nen gu wa so. 3SGM.PFV please PREP:1SG not DET.M His stupidity doesn't please me. 8.4 Dɨmo yigɨ da wo gɨ rɨ gi a ɗo; dɨmo ro sɨrka sheep only CONTR 1SG.PFV say 3SGM.IO that 3SGM.NEUT bring sheep MOD.F big ro do da wo DEM.F.PROX CONTR ɗo wa do, gɨ rɨ gi a ɗo, aro na do ɗama a 1SG.PFV say 3SGM.IO that 3SGM.NEUT bring then now nda but 3SGM.PFV hɨn kiɗa wadi? » bring not CONJ 3SGM.IPFV do work which Just a sheep I told him to bring back, a small sheep was what I told him to bring, and now, he doesn't bring, what is he up to?" 9 Mashi a hɨ shimu he nondo hyena 3SGM.PFV ponder kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: « Pɨɗɨm wo? long.time then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that far Hyena though about it for a bit, then he said, "Is it far [the place where he went]?" 10 - Kɨske. near "[It's] near." 11 - Kɨske ro near MOD.F go le we sꞌe aro mɨg ndɨ rɨ wo? » 2SG.PFV stretch neck outside then IRR.2SG see 3SGM.DO POL POL "Near such that if you stretch out [your] neck you'll [be able to] see him?" 12 Dɨla a le we sꞌe, kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: jackal 3SGM.PFV stretch neck outside then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that rɨ wa, ɗama wo 3SGM.DO not but sa si gako aro mu « Ndau ndɨ IPFV.1SG see ndɨ rɨ. » 1SG.PFV go forward then IRR.1SG see 3SGM.DO Jackal stretched out his neck [outside] then he said, "I don't see him, but if I go forward [out of the hole] then I'll see him." 13 - Ɗama alu but lasi tɨmo. come.IMP still then "Nonetheless come [remain in the hole] then." 14 - Kɨlew so dog ndo tɨskɨn, don DET.M PRES ma bo go a IRR.3SGM can lazy ɗo da mu si tarbo ngɨn waro 1SG.INDP CONTR IRR.1SG take road MODM.POSS.3SGM otherwise wa. » 3SGM.PFV bring not "Dog is lazy. I should follow after him, otherwise he won't be able to bring it." 15.1 A sey sꞌe shime, kꞌani mashi a 3SGM.PFV withdraw little gɨ rɨ gi: then hyena 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that « Alu! come.IMP He withdrew a little, then hyena said him, "Come [back]! 15.2 Kɨn hasi rongo do dɨ ɨl garo? 2SGM.INDP speed MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F 3SGF.INDP NMOD.F how.many You, how many speeds do you have?" 16 - Hasi rogu speed do dɨ MODF.POSS:1SG DET.F ɨl gokuro. 3SGF.INDP NMOD.F three "I have three speeds." 17.1 - Dɨ ɨl gokuro, wa? 3SGF.INDP NMOD.F three TAG "Three, eh? 17.2 Aro no CONJ ɨl gay do no le? 3SGF NMOD.F first DET.F which So what's the first one like?" 18 - No ɨl gay do, shimu ngɨdɨ do ma lekꞌesɨ. 3SGF NMOD.F first DET.F name MODM.POSS.3SGF DET.F slow-moving "The first one, its name is 'slow'." 19 - Aro, nda, dɨga hɨn gi u ndɨ. » go.ahead show 1SG.IO that 1SG.NEUT see CONJ "Then, go ahead, show me so I see it." 20 Kꞌani a then lu sꞌe lekꞌew lekꞌew. 3SGM.PFV come outside IDEO Then he went out [walking in a particular manner]. 21.1 « Alu, ndo do wo ndɨ dɨ yo. » come.IMP DEM.F.PROX 1SG.PFV see 3SGF.DO already "Come [back], that one, I've seen it now." 21.2 A tɨl rɨ he, a 3SGM.PFV make.return 3SGM.DO LP ɗo rɨ, a ɗɨ rɨ 3SGM.PFV bring 3SGM.DO 3SGM.PFV put 3SGM.DO tɨn. ground He called him back, he brought him back, he put him down. 22 « No ji he garo? 3SGF.PFV remain how.many "How many [speeds] remain?" 23 - No ji he gasi. 3SGF.PFV remain two "Two remain." 24.1 - Aro, nda, CONJ dɨga hɨn no ɨl hɨn gasi do gi u ndɨ. » go.ahead show 1SG.IO 3SGF 3SGF.NEUT do two DET.F that 1SG.NEUT see "Then, go ahead, show me the second one so I see it." 24.2 Dɨla a sa si sꞌe shime mɨl jackal 3SGM.PFV put REFL outside little bɨro IRR.3SGF kabɨga. suffice span Jackal withdrew a little, about a span (handwidth). 24.3 Mashi a la go tɨn nondo, hyena 3SGM.PFV think « Megɨ yo i kꞌani a gɨ a ankal ngɨn gi: long.time then 3SGM.PFV say PREP speed MODM.POSS.3SGM that ha hɨn ngɨbe laba ndo ni le? » people DET.PL 3PL.NEUT do 1SG.IO deception or.else PRES thing.ABSTR what Hyena pondered for a bit, then he said to himself, "Are these guys tricking me or what?" 25 Kꞌani a then fe rɨ kꞌo a gɨ rɨ gi: 3SGM.PFV call 3SGM.DO again 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that rongo do, no MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F ji he « Kɨn hasi 2SGM.INDP speed garo? 3SGF.PFV remain how.many Then he (hyena) called him (jackal) again, he said to him, "You, your speeds, how many remain?" 26 - No ji he pal », da 3SGF.PFV remain one a CONTR gɨ. 3SGM.PFV say "One remains," he said. 27 - Shimu ngɨdɨ name ma le? MODM.POSS.3SGF who.F "What's its name?" 28 - Ma ɗalay. » fast "Quickness." 29 Kꞌani mashi a then gɨ gi: hyena 3SGM.PFV say that « Ɨl mbin. » 3SGF.NEUT be.good Then hyena said, "Good." 30 Gako do dɨla next dan a sa si sꞌe kambe, kꞌani a jackal 3SGM.PFV put REFL outside good mashi ɗe a la gɨn gɨn mbɨlɨm; then 3SGM.PFV cut PREP.3SGM turn mbɨlɨm, kꞌani a 3SGM.INDP hyena SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV cut PREP.3SGM turn la sa lɨ nyim. then 3SGM.PFV put PRO IDEO Then jackal withdrew a greater distance, then he glanced back at him (hyena), and hyena glanced at him (jackal), then he (jackal) took off quickly. 31.1 « Alu mo! come.IMP ATT "Come [back]! 31.2 Alu! » come.IMP Come [back]!" [said hyena] 31.3 Ɗe sian. SW.TOP quiet But [it was] quiet. 32 Na do kɨrma now do gɨ ngo da dɨla a hɨne: immediately CONTR jackal 3SGM.PFV do do gi ma ka « Ha! » yahe mashi a (exclamation) even hyena 3SGM.PFV rɨ. run to place DET.F that IRR.3SGM find 3SGM.DO Even now if jackal makes just a sound, "Ha!", hyena runs to the spot looking to catch him. Appendix F: Text E71 Blo go Kɨlew sɨ nɨba A man and a lucky dog Speaker: Kalia Garba Age when recorded: 40 Location: Gosɨlo (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Megɨ n si da e sa tɨn marjibu, e people MOD.PL NONSP.PL CONTR 3PL.PFV sit sɨm use kꞌani kɨlew a eat food then dog lu a evening sa msun hɨn gwalam i 3PL.PFV do eating.circle 3PL.NEUT gi i la rɨ use. 3SGM.PFV come 3SGM.PFV put begging that 3PL.NEUT cut 3SGM.IO food Some people were sitting down in the evening, they had formed an eating circle, they were eating food, then a dog came and begged so that they would give him food. 1.2 Kꞌani blo pal a sꞌaga a si saw gi yaga kɨ kɨlew so. then man one 3SGM.PFV rise.up 3SGM.PFV take cane that VOL.3SGM hit.hard dog Then one man got up and took a stick in order to hit the dog. 1.3 Kꞌani blo n gade a ha rɨ yo go. then man MOD.M other 3SGM.PFV prevent 3SGM.DO LP PREP Then another man stopped him. 1.4 A gɨ rɨ gi: 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that He said, "Don't hit him!" « Tag kɨ rɨ wa! PROH.2SG hit.hard 3SGM.DO not DET.M 2.1 - U kɨ rɨ wa gi a hamo? 1SG.NEUT hit.hard 3SGM.DO not that 3SGM.NEUT happen.NEG "Why shouldn't I hit him? 2.2 Kɨlew da dog msun mo CONTR do, ndam sɨm use aro a lu a sa 1PL:INCL.INDP IPFV.1PL:INCL eat food then 3SGM.NEUT come 3SGM.NEUT put u kɨ rɨ wa la he? » begging CONJ 1SG.NEUT hit.hard 3SGM.DO not MMR what That dog, we're eating then he comes begging, why shouldn't I hit him?" 3.1 A gɨ gi: « A-a. 3SGM.NEUT say that no He said, "No. 3.2 Tag kɨ PROH.2SG rɨ wa gi dan ɗama go nasku gara ni hit.hard 3SGM.DO not that 3SGM.INDP even with soul rogɨmo ro nduwe ndam ya gɨ use gi like thing.ABSTR m sɨm do, MODF.POSS.1PL:INCL MOD.F PRES.F.PROX IPFV.1PL:INCL want food that 1PL:INCL.NEUT eat DET.F dan sɨm. ɗe a ya go gi a 3SGM.INDP SW.TOP 3SGM.NEUT want that 3SGM.NEUT eat Don't hit him because he has a soul like we do such that we want food to eat, he as well wants to eat. 3.3 Kania tag kɨ rɨ wa. » therefore PROH.2SG hit.hard 3SGM.DO not Therefore don't hit him." 3.4 Kɨlew so dog a DET.M ndɨ gɨ blo so he a sɨn rɨ. 3SGM.PFV see PREP man DET.M LP 3SGM.PFV know 3SGM.DO The dog took note of the man [so that] he would know him. 3.5 Aro ndo algɨ da a fɨ si he do kɨlew. then PRES person CONTR 3SGM.PFV change like dog Well it was [actually] a human who had changed into a dog. 3.6 Sɨ ro ɨl hɨn gasi kꞌani a lu gɨ blo n a ha day MOD.F 3SGF.NEUT do two then 3SGM.PFV come PREP man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV prevent go yo gi PREP LP tei kɨ rɨ saw wa so ho; a that PROH.3PL hit.hard 3SGM.IO cane not DET.M LP kꞌani a ke gɨn gi: then 3SGM.PFV ask PREP.3SGM that « Na do gɨ now sɨn fɨ si he do algɨ 3SGM.PFV change like person hɨn wo? » 2SG.NEUT know 1SG.DO POL The next day, he (the dog now as a human) came to the man who had forbidden that they hit him with a stick; he turned into a person then he asked him, "Now, do you know me?" 4.1 Blo so a gɨ gi: man DET.M 3SGM.NEUT say that The man said, "No. 4.2 U sɨn kɨn wa. 1SG.NEUT know 2SGM.DO not I don't know you." « A-a. no 5.1 - Luɗo aftɨ nda so wo lu ɨn ho a ngo ro kꞌani yesterday time DEM.M.PROX 1SG.PFV come PREP:2PL LP PREP place DEM.F.PROX then blo ɨn pal yaga kɨ hɨn saw kꞌani go ha rɨ yo go man POSS:2PL one VOL.3SGM hit.hard 1SG.DO cane then 2SG.PFV prevent 3SGM.DO LP PREP do, ndo don. 1SG.INDP CONJ PRES "Yesterday at this time, I came to you [all] here then one of your men wanted to hit me with a stick then you forbade him, it's me. 5.2 Asɨro wo lu u dɨga kɨn gi her do ɨl kꞌo tɨn today 1SG.PFV come 1SG.NEUT show 2SGM.IO that goodness DET.F 3SGF.NEUT fall ground maɗɨ wa. for.nothing not Today I came to show you that the good thing [you did] won’t be forgotten. 5.3 Yau VOL.1SG basɨ kɨn ni ro go hɨn do. repay 2SGM.DO thing.ABSTR MOD.F 2SG.PFV do DET.F I'm going to repay for the thing you did [for me]. 5.4 Mu IRR.1SG fɨ si he do kɨlew gara ni change like dog do, kania kadɨ DET.F therefore follow 1SG.DO rogu ro wo lu do like thing.ABSTR MODF.POSS:1SG MOD.F 1SG.PFV come MMR hɨn. I'll turn myself back into a dog like what I was when I came [yesterday], then follow me. 5.5 Ngo ro ndam so lɨ aro kangwaɗe tal place MOD.F IPFV.1PL:INCL enter PRO then fear PROH.3SGF The place [in the ground] that we enter it, don't let fear get a hold of you. sa kɨn wa. put 2SGM.DO not 5.6 Kadɨ hɨn gi mu do kɨn gɨ aba ngɨne nda lɨ follow 1SG.DO that IRR.1SG bring 2SGM.DO PREP father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL be.at.M PRO do me sɨ lardɨ so ho. like sultan NMOD.M country DET.M LP Follow me so I can take you to my father who is the sultan of the land (i.e. the underworld). 5.7 Aro mɨg ndɨ a gol her ro go ha hɨn do. » then IRR.2SG see about goodness MOD.F 2SG.PFV do 1SG.IO DET.F Then you'll see regarding the good thing you did for me." 6.1 Dasi blo so a kadɨ rɨ e dɨ sꞌe a ngwɨn nogɨ next man DET.M 3SGM.PFV follow 3SGM.DO 3PL.PFV go outside PREP inside MODF.POSS wo do kꞌani e ka gol sawe. village DET.F then 3PL.PFV find on village.walls Then the man followed him, they went outside the village then they came to the village walls. 6.2 A ka wɨlɨm a 3SGM.PFV find pit gɨ PREP PREP sawe so he. village.walls DET.M LP They came to a hole next to the village walls. 6.3 Gako do a next gɨ blo so gi: 3SGM.PFV say man DET.M that « Kꞌo gɨ msꞌafu rogu hold tail do. » MODF.POSS:1SG DET.F Then he said to the man, "Hold onto my tail." 6.4 Blo so a hɨ she gɨ msꞌafu rogɨn man DET.M 3SGM.PFV put hand PREP tail The man held tightly to his tail. do kak. MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F IDEO 6.5 Kꞌani kɨlew so then dog ka wo a DET.M so wɨlɨm so 3SGM.PFV enter pit e DET.M dɨ tɨn e dɨ ni e 3PL.PFV go ground 3PL.PFV go 3PL.PFV dɨmo. find village big Then the dog entered the hole they went into the ground they went and found a big town. 6.6 Aba ngɨdan so, nda, a sa tɨn a gol dɨge tas father MODM.POSS.3PL DET.M already 3SGM.PFV sit nda, e da rɨ ga on go megɨ, chair IDEO with people maragɨ. amidst 3PL.PFV encircle 3SGM.IO mouth together His father sat on the royal throne with people all around him. 6.7 Gako do a next lu go dɨ ni a 3SGM.PFV go ɗɨ aba ngɨdan gi: 3SGM.PFV greet father MODM.POSS.3PL that « Nduwe wo PRES.F.PROX 1SG.PFV mawru ngu. come with guest MODM.POSS:1SG Then he (the dog) went and greeted his father, "Here I am I've come with my guest." 7.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 7.2 Mashala, we do rɨ ho. » thank.you 2PL.IMP bring 3SGM.DO house Thank you, take him home." 7.3 E dɨ ni e 3PL.PFV go e fo do rɨ ho e sol rɨ he lan, 3PL.PFV bring 3SGM.DO house 3PL.PFV enter.CAUS 3SGM.DO LP completely rɨ use a sɨm. 3PL.PFV give 3SGM.IO food 3SGM.PFV eat They went, they took him home they welcomed him thoroughly they gave him food to eat. 8.1 Kɨlew so dog kɨn a DET.M ni, ɗama mu ho aro ma blo so gi: 3SGM.PFV say man DET.M that 2SGM.DO LP but LP gɨ te he u IRR.1SG do « Sɨ ro yag die when VOL.2SG travel then IRR.1SG bring kɨn gɨ aba aro mu do ngɨne return 1SG.NEUT bring 2SGM.DO PREP father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL ha kɨn samwe, ma ha kɨn ala kɨlafia. then IRR.3SGM do 2SGM.IO farewell IRR.3SGM do 2SGM.IO good.bye The dog said to the man, "When you want to travel, then I'll lead you away, but I'll go back and bring you to my father [beforehand] then he'll say goodbye, he'll tell you farewell. 8.2 Ma IRR.3SGM fo kɨn sagwa ro give 2SGM.IO hat a MOD.F PREP He'll give you the hat on his head. 8.3 Aro sagwa do, then hat tag DET.F PROH.2SG Well, the hat, don't take it! 8.4 Ji go! refuse Refuse [to take it]! si wa! take not go rogɨn. head MODF.POSS.3SGM 8.5 Aro ma te he ma fo kɨn halbo ngɨn. then IRR.3SGM return IRR.3SGM give 2SGM.IO shoe MODM.POSS.3SGM Then he'll return and give you his shoes. 8.6 Dan ɗama tag i wa! 3SGM.INDP even PROH.2SG seize not But don't take them! 8.7 Ɗama sɨ ro gi but a marge ro when that ring kɨ sꞌe gi a gɨ she MOD.F PREP PREP a fo ngɨn ro do da hand MODM.POSS.3SGM DEM.F.PROX CONTR kɨn aro, dɨ do, si gi kɨn 3SGM.PFV take out that 3SGM.NEUT give 2SGM.IO then 3SGF.INDP DET.F take that 2SGM.INDP go kanyo n a dunia yo we ge kwata kwata dote. » with problems MOD.M PREP world DET.PL 2PL.PFV be.finished completely.finished very But if the ring on his finger, he takes it off and gives it to you, then it, take, because you and trouble in the world, you're done completely (i.e. you won't have any more trouble)." 8.8 Nse n gokuro n days MOD.PL three a MOD.PL hɨn yo, sɨ lake do ndei ɗo rɨ 3SGM.PFV do DET.PL day each.F IPFV.3PL bring 3SGM.IO sɨmɨn. food He spent three days [there], each day they brought him food. 9.1 Nse n gokuro e days MOD.PL three si rɨ a ge yaga die, kꞌani kɨlew so 3PL.PFV be.finished VOL.3SGM travel then dog do rɨ gɨ aba ngɨdan so DET.M ho. take 3SGM.DO 3SGM.PFV bring 3SGM.DO PREP father MODM.POSS.3PL DET.M LP a 3SGM.PFV The three days were finished and he wanted to travel [back home], then the dog brought him before his father. 9.2 A gɨ gi: 3SGM.PFV say that yaga die VOL.3SGM travel very « Aba, mawru ngu father guest so MODM.POSS:1SG DET.M wo ɗo rɨ gi 1SG.PFV bring 3SGM.DO that dɨge. » He said, "Father, my guest, I brought him because he wants to travel [home]." 9.3 A ka dan e sa tɨn. 3SGM.PFV find 3PL.DO 3PL.PFV sit He found them (the people of the court) they were sitting down. 10.1 Gako do aba next kɨn ne so a gɨ rɨ gi: father DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that la « Aro lo then ngu mu son MODM.POSS:1SG IRR.1SG do he? 2SGM.IO CAUS MMR what Then the father said to him (the guest), "Then my son, what shall I do for you? 10.2 Sagwa rogu hat do kal yahe. » MODF.POSS:1SG DET.F just even [Shall I give you] my hat at least." 10.3 A kɨ yo, sagwa ro 3SGM.PFV take.off hat so a kɨ yo DET.M 3SGM.PFV take.off IDEO a MOD.F PREP go rogɨn do, dan me head MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F 3SGM.INDP sultan piat. He took it off, the hat on his head, the sultan he took it off. ha 10.4 Kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: «I then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that sagwa ro do seize hat DEM.F.PROX so die go lɨ do then travel with PRO as kasi. » gift Then he said to him, "Take this hat and travel with it as a gift." 11.1 Kꞌani blo so a gɨ gi: « A-a. then man DET.M 3SGM.PFV say that no Then the man said, "No. 11.2 Barka rongo, kɨmagɨni. blessing MODF:POSS:2SGM (title for sultan) Your blessing, sovereign one. 11.3 Santɨn ngo nda so, kɨn me sɨ lardɨ gara important.position MODM:POSS:2SGM DEM.M.PROX 2SGM.INDP sultan NMOD.M country like ni ro da, u da sagwa rongo thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX CONTR 1SG.NEUT put hat hɨn nia, he do MODF:POSS:2SGM LP CONJ kɨrkokɨ be.heavy with wa? me excess TAG Your authority, you the sultan of a land like this, I take your hat, it would be very heavy with [it], wouldn't it?" 12.1 - Aro mu ha kɨn ne la he lo ngu? » then IRR.1SG do 2SGM.IO CAUS MMR what son MODM.POSS:1SG "Then what shall I do for you my son?" go 12.2 Kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: « Aro halbo ngu then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that so lɨ aro mɨg na do then nda so yahe, si shoe MODM.POSS:1SG DEM.M.PROX even gu ko take he. » wear PRO then IRR.2SG remember MMR PREP.1SG forehead LP Then he said, "Then these my shoes even, take them, put them on then you'll remember me by them." 13 Kꞌani a gɨ gi: « Kɨmagɨni, then 3SGM.PFV say that sagwa go (title for sultan) hat halbo yo e shim, wa? with shoe DET.PL 3PL.PFV be.equal TAG Then he said, "Sovereign one, a hat and shoes are equal, aren't they?" 14.1 - Aro lo ngu mu ha kɨn ne la he? then son MODM.POSS:1SG IRR.1SG do 2SGM.IO CAUS MMR what "Then my son what shall I do for you? 14.2 Marge ro do ring da wante DEM.F.PROX CONTR u kɨ sꞌe u fo kɨn wo? » perhaps 1SG.NEUT take out 1SG.NEUT give 2SGM.IO POL This ring perhaps I take it off and give it to you?" 14.3 Marge do ring da DET.F CONTR a kɨ sꞌe a fo rɨ. 3SGM.PFV take out 3SGM.PFV give 3SGM.IO The ring, he took it off and gave it to him. 15.1 Blo so a gɨ gi: man DET.M 3SGM.PFV say that i da go, wala i 3PL.NEUT put head nor so « Marge do ni ring DET.F thing.ABSTR MOD.F NONSP.F FOC neither do, mu lɨ ro so i. » 3PL.NEUT wear PRO CONJ IRR.1SG seize The man said, "The ring, whatever, they don't put it on the head or wear it, I'll take it." ma, wala 15.2 Kꞌani gako do marge do then next ring a DET.F i. 3SGM.PFV seize Then the ring, he took it. 15.3 Me so a gɨ rɨ gi: sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that aro kɨn so to ring return.home with PRO sunduge ngo then 2SGM.INDP DET.M crates kɨ gɨdɨ she ring rub PREP.3SGF hand only DEM.F.PROX garo MODPL:POSS:2SGM marge do DET.F « Marge ro do, yahe kal go nde lɨ yo so how.many even exactly open.up LP then yigɨ. The sultan said to him, "That ring, return home with it then you, your crates however many there are, the ring, rub it with your hand [over the crates]. 15.4 Gursɨ da mɨl kꞌwashil do. money CONTR IRR.3SGF fill MMR Money will fill them. 15.5 Ɗama ni but pal ndwa lɨ ɨl nga he. thing.ABSTR one be.at.F PRO 3SGF.NEUT break But one thing exists that will break [the magic spell]. 15.6 Gɨrɨm no wife a e MOD.F ji fo wi no we lo pal, kꞌani wi so 3PL.PFV give husband 3SGF.PFV give.birth son one then husband DET.M gɨdɨ do, tag si wa! 3SGM.PFV reject PREP.3SGF DET.F PROH.2SG take not A woman that they gave her in marriage and she gave birth to one son, then the husband, he divorced her, don't marry [her]! 15.7 Tag si PROH.2SG gɨrɨm no go sɨ pal wa! take wife MOD.F with eye one not Don't marry a woman with one eye! 15.8 Nie n gasi nde yo, sɨ ro go hɨn pal a go aro, gursɨ things.ABSTR MOD.PL two DEM.PL.PROX when 2SG.PFV do one PREP PREP then money rongo do mɨl ge. » MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F IRR.3SGF be.finished These two things, if you do one of them, then your money will run out." 15.9 Kꞌani a kɨ rɨ ni a lu ho. then 3SGM.PFV accompany 3SGM.DO LP 3SGM.PFV come house Then he accompanied him he went home. 16.1 Dasi karu ngɨn so fogɨ gursɨ next room MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M all no kꞌwashil do. money 3SGF.PFV fill MMR Then his room, money filled all of it. 16.2 Kꞌani a ka gɨrɨm no e fo wi no we lo pal, then 3SGM.PFV find woman MOD.F 3PL.PFV give husband 3SGF.PFV give.birth son one kꞌani wi so a madɨ ɗama lo then husband DET.M 3SGM.PFV die but so nda lɨ. son DET.M be.at.M PRO Then he found a woman that they had given her in marriage and she had given birth to one son, then the husband died but the son was still living. 16.3 A gɨ gi: 3SGM.PFV say that « Ish! no! He said, "No! 16.4 Gursɨ ro kaɗagɨ ro do wo si gɨrɨm do aro barte do gi money MOD.F abundant DEM.F.PROX 1SG.PFV take wife DET.F then before ɨl ge do, fae ngu yahe mi ge, that wa? 3SGF.NEUT be.finished CONJ years MODPL.POSS:1SG even IRR.3PL be.finished TAG [I've got] so much money, if I marry the woman then before [the money] runs out, my years will run out, right? 16.5 Mu si. » IRR.1SG take I'll marry [her]." 16.6 Kꞌani a si. then 3SGM.PFV take Then he married her. 16.7 Teɗɨ pal, teɗɨ n a hɨn gasi do, gwane n a so lɨ month one month MOD.M 3SGM.PFV do two CONJ clothes MOD.PL 3SGM.NEUT wear PRO yo da DET.PL CONTR e ge kwata kwata. 3PL.PFV be.finished completely.finished One month passed, then a second month, the clothes that he put on were completely gone. 16.8 Gako do a next bo go a 3SGM.PFV can hɨn feyda wa. 3SGM.PFV do usefulness not Then he couldn't do any useful thing. 17 Ɓaɓa no sa ngɨlmo. story 3SGF.PFV put tree The story sat in a tree (i.e., "The End"). Appendix G: Text H39 Msi Nɨman go Msi Gere The farmer and the wealthy man Speaker: Alaji Mahamat Mɨskey Age when recorded: 75 Location: Galme (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1 Aba ngɨne a la ne labar a gɨ ne gi: father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL 3SGM.PFV hit 1PL:EXCL.IO words 3SGM.PFV say 1PL:EXCL.IO that « Mbu ɨl domo ro handle NMOD.F hoe kɨn MOD.F ɗugumi, go 2SGM.DO long gadɨ gɨdɨ kabɨko do go short 2SG.PFV seize PREP.3SGF hard ka DET.F dɨ kꞌo gɨdɨ ngamdɨ aro mɨl kɨske aro mɨl hɨn kɨn hɨn then IRR.3SGF do kabɨko gɨ 2SG.PFV support 3SGF.DO easy then IRR.3SGF do 2SGM.DO short 2SG.NEUT kꞌo. » lack PREP.3SGF still A father of ours, he gave us advice, he said to us that, "The short handle of the hoe, if you hold onto it firmly then it will make you long (i.e., serve you well), if you hold it lightly then it will make you short, even shorter than it is." 2.1 Msi nɨman a ji gɨ gɨrɨm nogɨn. man.of money 3SGM.PFV reject wife MODF.POSS.3SGM A wealthy man divorced his wife. 2.2 Msi gere ɗe a ji gɨ nogɨn do kꞌani e hɨn baltɨ. man.of farming SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV reject 3SGF.POSS.3SGM DET.F then 3PL.PFV do exchange A farmer also divorced his wife, then they made an exchange. 2.3 Msi nɨman so a si gɨrɨm nogɨ msi gere so. man.of money DET.M 3SGM.PFV take wife MODF.POSS man.of farming DET.M The wealthy man married the wife of the farmer. 2.4 Msi gere ɗe a si nogɨ msi nɨman so. man.of farming SW.TOP 3SGM.PFV take 3SGF.POSS man.of money DET.M The farmer married the wife of the wealthy man. 2.5 Dunia a ka yo do, wo ro nde lɨ do wahie i ɗala world 3SGM.PFV suffer CONJ village MOD.F be.at.PL PRO DET.F grain 3PL.NEUT be.not a lɨ, PREP PRO ile msi gere so da nde gɨn. only man.of farming DET.M CONTR be.at.PL PREP.3SGM The world became such a difficult place to live, the village where they were, there was no grain there, only the farmer [had grain] at his place. 2.6 Msi nɨman so a bo wa, aro nde gɨ keymi ngɨn man.of money DET.M 3SGM.PFV have not then be.at.PL PREP rival so aro gɨrɨm nogɨn do ɗe DET.M then wife MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F SW.TOP PRES rival MODM.POSS.3SGM ndo keymi rogɨdɨ kꞌo. MODF.POSS.3SGF also The wealthy man didn't have any [grain], but [the grain] was with his rival, and his wife (the wealthy man's wife) was her (the farmer's wife) rival as well. 2.7 (Tia do, sarile i ɗala do, ndei do sero maragɨ aro ndei olden.times DET.F beds 3PL.NEUT be.not CONJ IPFV.3PL bring dirt together then IPFV.3PL hɨn do skagɨ aro megɨ ndei ɗa lɨ go do. do like steps then people IPFV.3PL lie.down PRO head DET.F (In olden times, there were no beds, people would bring dirt together and make it like a step, then people would lie down there. 2.8 Yag so VOL.2SG fɨn so kal ɗe ndei shew ngo enter hut DET.M just SW.TOP IPFV.3PL dig lɨ i fe dɨ do « ku ɨl PRO 3PL.NEUT call 3SGF.DO like forehead NMOD.F hut ro so do wɨlɨm a place MOD.F NONSP.F like pit PREP fɨn ».) If you wanted to enter a hut, they would have dug a place there like a pit and they call it a doorstep ["hut-forehead"].) 2.9 Aro gɨrɨm ndal dicꞌi wa a lɨ. then woman IPFV.3SGF pound things.CONC PREP PRO A woman would pound things (grain) there. 2.10 Kꞌani gɨrɨm nogɨ msi nɨman so do no dɨ gɨ msi wahie then wife MODF.POSS man.of money DET.M DET.F 3SGF.PFV go PREP man.of grain yo ho gi DET.PL LP ɨl dɨwo. that 3SGF.NEUT buy The wife of the wealthy man, she went to the farmer's so that she could buy [grain]. 2.11 Gɨrɨm do wife we DET.F no shin gɨdɨ kꞌani no sꞌaga ɨl 3SGF.PFV hear PREP.3SGF then 3SGF.PFV rise.up 3SGF.NEUT pound ngɨdɨ yo. things.CONC MODPL.POSS.3SGF DET.PL The wife [of the farmer] heard her, then she got up to pound her things (grain). 3 « Wahie nde grain dicꞌi ɨn wo? be.at.PL PREP:2PL POL "Do you have any grain?" 4.1 - A, wahie nde gɨne dɨge, aro don yes grain be.at.PL PREP.1PL:EXCL very ndewe, wo shi sɨrio PRES.PL.PROX 1SG.PFV put mortar new ɗe engu, then 1SG.INDP SW.TOP 3PL.POSS:1SG mblin. » "Yes, we have lots of grain, but me, mine here, I've just put it into the mortar." 4.2 Ɨl ya go gi mɨl i dey so kagey do. 3SGF.NEUT want that IRR.3SGF seize pestle DET.M while DET.F She wanted her to take the pestle while [she got grain for her]. 4.3 Kꞌani no fɨ si he no dɨ ni. then 3SGF.PFV change 3SGF.PFV go LP Then she (the wealthy man's wife) turned around and went. 5.1 Aftɨ n si no te he no lu, ɗe no shin gɨ haraka time MOD.M NONSP.M 3SGF.PFV return 3SGF.PFV come SW.TOP 3SGF.PFV hear rogɨdɨ kꞌani no MODF.POSS.3SGF then 3SGF.PFV take pestle DET.M again again that IRR.3SGF say 3SGF.IO that « Ɗo dey so gi u si dey kꞌo so bɨlɨm kꞌo to go gi aro ngal mɨl hɨn gɨ noise dɨ wahie yo gi: ho. » bring pestle DET.M that 1SG.NEUT hold 2SGF.IO PREP then measure 1SG.IO grain DET.PL LP After a while she returned and came back, but she (the farmer's wife) heard the noise of her [coming back] then she took the pestle again so that she (the wealthy man's wife) would say to her, "Bring the pestle so that I can hold it for you while you measure the grain for me." 5.2 Dɨ ɗe ɨl sɨn go dɨ kꞌani no jiyi. 3SGF.INDP SW.TOP 3SGF.NEUT know with 3SGF.PO then 3SGF.PFV refuse But she (the wealthy man's wife) knew what she (the farmer's wife) was up to so she refused. 5.3 Kꞌani no to no dɨ gɨ blo so ho: then 3SGF.PFV return.home 3SGF.PFV go PREP man DET.M LP ni gɨ LP ɗo mo wahie yo, « To, gɨ dɨ 2SGF.INDP 2SG.NEUT go wa? 2SG.NEUT bring 1PL:INCL.IO grain DET.PL TAG Then she (the wealthy man's wife) returned home, she went to her husband [who said], "You, you'll go and get us the grain, huh?" 6 - A-a, don, no ho do, mu dɨ lɨ kꞌo wa. 1SG.INDP house DET.F IRR.1SG go PRO again not "No, me, the house [of the farmer], I'm not going there again." 7.1 - To, wa yo, yam dɨwo go 2SGF.INDP things.CONC DET.PL VOL.1PL:INCL buy nɨman nogɨmo, with money MODF.POSS.1PL:INCL TAG "You, the things (grain), we need to buy [it] with our money, right? 7.2 I fo mo maɗɨ wo? » 3PL.NEUT give 1PL:INCL.IO for.nothing POL Will they give [it] to us for nothing?" 8.1 Ɗe SW.TOP ɨl gɨ gi: 3SGF.NEUT say that « A-a, mu dɨ ho no go house DET.F again not IRR.1SG do kꞌo Then she said, "No, I'm not going to the house again." 8.2 Dan da a dɨ ni go lugu rogɨn. 3SGM.INDP CONTR 3SGM.PFV go LP with gandura MODF.POSS.3SGM Him, he went there with his gandura. wa? wa. » 9 « Salam aleykum. (Arabic greeting) "Peace be upon you." 10.1 - Aleykum salam. (Arabic response) "And upon you. 10.2 Eni wo? so.and.so POL Is that so-and-so?" 11 - A, wahie nde lɨ wo? yes grain be.at.PL PRO POL "Yes, do you have grain there?" 12.1 - A, nde lɨ. » yes be.at.PL PRO "Yes, [it] is here." 12.2 (Mey tia ɗe e bo yanke wa. people.of olden.times SW.TOP 3PL.PFV have trousers not (The people of olden times, they didn't have trousers. 12.3 Ndo lugu PRES sꞌagɨ, lugu gandura only ɨl alin.) gandura NMOD.F colour It was just the gandura, the colored gandura.) 12.4 Kꞌani a gɨ gɨrɨm nogɨn ro dan, msi nɨman so, then 3SGM.PFV say wife MODF.POSS.3SGM MOD.F 3SGM.INDP man.of money DET.M a ji gɨdɨ do gi: 3SGM.PFV reject PREP.3SGF DET.F that rɨ « Ɗɨ dey put m so tɨn aro fo pestle MODM:POSS:2SGF DET.M ground then give wahie yo. » 3SGM.IO grain DET.PL Then he said to his wife, who the man of money had divorced, "Put your pestle on the ground then give him the grain." 12.5 Kꞌani no ngal rɨ wahie yo ho. then 3SGF.PFV measure 3SGM.IO grain DET.PL LP Then she measured the grain for him. 12.6 Wi so a gɨ dɨ gi: « A-a, hɨ rɨ husband DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 3SGF.IO that no lɨ go do pal put 3SGM.IO PRO head DET.F one kꞌo. » again The husband said to her, "No, add another one to it." 12.7 Aro ɨl hɨ rɨ lɨ go do. then 3SGF.NEUT put 3SGM.IO PRO head DET.F So she added to it. 12.8 Gako do a next kɨ mbala ɨl 3SGM.PFV take.out arm NMOD.F lugu sꞌe fogɨ kꞌani a gandura outside all then 3SGM.PFV put mdugusu sꞌe. buttock ɗɨ outside Then he (the wealthy man) took his arm out of the gandura and exposed a buttock. 12.9 Ngo ro yaga dɨ ni, kꞌani a gɨ dɨ gi: place MOD.F VOL.3SGM go LP then 3SGM.PFV say 3SGF.IO that so go DET.M 2SG.PFV see « Blo m man MODM:POSS:2SGF ndɨ, wa? TAG As he (the wealthy man) was going, then he (the farmer) said to her (his wife), "The [former] husband of yours, did you see? 12.10 Wo hɨ rɨ mdugusu sꞌe 1SG.PFV put 3SGM.IO buttock That I made him expose his buttock?" do? » outside CONJ Appendix H: Text H93 Lo ngɨ me sɨ tia The son of the sultan of olden times Speaker: Geyme Abani Age when recorded: 80 Location: Welio (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Mey gay n a wo ro do yo, moe ngɨdan yo people.of first MOD.PL PREP village DEM.F.PROX DET.PL sultans MODPL.POSS.3PL DET.PL i bo fae kaɗagɨ. 3PL.NEUT have years many The first people of this village, their sultans lived many years. 1.2 Kꞌani me sɨ tia n si a ya gɨlkꞌɨ, eman then sultan NMOD.M olden.times MOD.M NONSP.M 3SGM.PFV become old.man rainy.season n si mia MOD.M NONSP.M a ɨl gasi, mia hundred NMOD.F two ɨl gokuro yahe a hundred NMOD.F three bo sɨran gi even 3SGM.PFV have before madɨ. 3SGM.PFV die Then one sultan of olden times became an old man, he was two hundred, even three hundred years old before he died. 1.3 Ngo ro a when madɨ, kꞌani mansɨn 3SGM.PFV die do e fo lo ngɨn, gomnaru. then sultanate DET.F 3PL.PFV give son MODM.POSS.3MSG young When he died, then they gave the sultanate to his son, a young man. 1.4 Lo so a sa kɨndɨge kꞌani a gɨ gi: son DET.M 3SGM.PFV call meeting then 3SGM.PFV say that so we ka DET.M 2PL.IMP find together all « Teɗɨ n nondo month MOD.M in.that.way maragɨ fogɨ. The son called a meeting, he said, "At such and such month you should all come together. 1.5 Mɨskin n a wo ro do lake so a lu ngo ro. poor.man MOD.M PREP village DEM.F.PROX each.M 3SGM.NEUT come place MOD.F Each subject of this village should come here." 2.1 - Ɨl mbin », da megɨ yo e i rɨ he. 3SGF.NEUT be.good CONTR people DET.PL 3PL.PFV answer 3SGM.IO LP "Very well," the people answered him. 2.2 Gako do e next de go yo. 3PL.PFV disperse Then they dispersed. 3.1 Shartɨ so date DET.M a ɗɨ go kꞌani e ka maragɨ dɨn a gey holme 3SGM.PFV put PREP then 3PL.PFV get together all PREP in.front.of sultanate do. DET.F The time arrived then they all came together in front of the sultanate. 3.2 Gako do me next so a gɨ dan gi: sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that lake so ndei la « Wo ya ɨn gi gɨlkꞌɨ 1SG.PFV want PREP:2PL that old.man rɨ. each.M IPFV.3PL kill 3SGM.DO Then the sultan said to them, "I wanted you because every old man, they should kill him. 3.3 Aba ngɨne so gɨlkꞌɨ, a father MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL DET.M old sɨran gi a madɨ; kꞌani don before 3SGM.PFV die ɗe, bo fae mia ɨl gokuro 3SGM.PFV have years hundred NMOD.F three ndwe wo so ngo then 1SG.INDP SW.TOP PRES.F.PROX 1SG.PFV enter place rogɨn. MODF.POSS.3SGM My father was old, he was three hundred years old before he died; then me, here I have entered his place. 3.4 Don ɗe lo kꞌashi aro gɨlkꞌɨ nondo ma sa he a lardɨ do 1SG.INDP SW.TOP child small then old.man in.that.way IRR.3MSG dwell PREP country DET.F wa. not But me, I'm a small child, therefore an old man like that will not live in the region. 3.5 Ile e le yahe mi la rɨ. only 3PL.PFV what even IRR.3PL kill 3SGM.DO Whoever it may be, they will kill him." 4.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 4.2 i la rɨ? » 3PL.NEUT kill 3SGM.DO They should kill him?" 4.3 da i CONTR ke gɨn. 3PL.NEUT ask PREP.3SGM They (the people) asked him. 5.1 - I la rɨ. 3PL.NEUT kill 3SGM.DO "They should kill him. 5.2 Gɨlkꞌɨ yo old aro mi la rɨ yigɨ. » already then IRR.3PL kill 3SGM.DO only If he is old already, they'll just kill him." 6.1 Shartɨ a ɗɨ go kꞌani dasi a shi askare ngɨn length.of.time 3SGM.PFV put PREP then next 3SGM.PFV pour soldiers MODPL.POSS.3SGM yo sꞌe i la galkꞌe. DET.PL outside 3PL.NEUT kill old.men Time passed, then he sent his soldiers out to kill [the] old men. 6.2 Ho ro gɨlkꞌɨ nda lɨ yo, aro i shi gɨn kɨbkɨbue ho go house MOD.F old.man be.at.M PRO already then 3PL.NEUT put PREP.3SGM machetes LP with wa i la rɨ kakash; i de i hɨ yo. things.CONC 3PL.NEUT kill 3SGM.DO finished.completely 3PL.NEUT throw 3PL.NEUT put LP If there was a house with an old man, then they attacked him with machetes and with [other] things, they killed him completely; [then] they threw [the bodies] away. 6.3 Kꞌani lo pal nda wo do so a dɨ gɨ aba so ho: then son one be.at.M village DET.F DET.M 3SGM.PFV go PREP father DET.M LP kɨn ɗe « Aba, father ndo gɨlkꞌɨ. 2SGM.INDP SW.TOP PRES old.man Then one son at the village went to his father, "Father, you're an old man. 6.4 Ndwe me PRES.F.PROX so a fe ne a gɨ ne gi blo sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV call 1PL:EXCL.DO 3SGM.PFV say 1PL:EXCL.IO that man n gɨlkꞌɨ lake so i MOD.M old la rɨ. each.M 3PL.NEUT kill 3SGM.DO Here the sultan called us and said to us that each old man, they should kill him. 6.5 Aro ndo shora wadi? » then PRES solution which So what's [the] solution?" 7.1 Kꞌani a gɨ lo ngɨn so gi: « Shew wɨlɨm paran aro ya gɨ bisi then 3SGM.PFV say son MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M that hɨ lɨ aro don mu so dig pit wide then want mat lɨ. put PRO then 1SG.INDP IRR.1SG enter PRO Then he said to his son, "Dig a wide pit then get a mat [and] put [it] there, then I will enter it (the pit). 7.2 Aro go fa ho aro le wɨlɨm kꞌashi no mɨg fo hɨn inga go. » then head cover then make hole small 3SGF IRR.2SG give 1SG.IO food PREP Cover [the] top [of it] then make a small hole where you will give me food." 8.1 Kꞌani lo so a gɨ gi: then son DET.M 3SGM.NEUT say that « Ɨl mbin, mu hɨn. » 3SGF.NEUT be.good IRR.1SG do Then the son said, "Very well, I'll do [it]." 8.2 A shew wɨlɨm cilan kꞌani a 3SGM.PFV dig pit hɨ lɨ aba so. deep then 3SGM.PFV put PRO father DET.M He dug a deep pit then he put his father there. 8.3 A man gɨ ngo 3SGM.PFV leave ro a fo rɨ sɨmɨn go ame go. place MOD.F 3SGM.NEUT give 3SGM.IO food with water PREP He left a place to give him food and water. 9.1 I sa he nondo kꞌani me so a te he a fe dan: 3PL.NEUT dwell in.that.way then sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV return 3SGM.PFV call 3PL.DO « Mɨskire, loro! » poor.people 2PL.IMP They lived in that way, then the sultan returned and called them (the people), "(My) people, come!" 9.2 E lu fogɨ kꞌani a 3PL.PFV come all e ge, ke gɨdan gi: then 3SGM.PFV ask PREP.3PL that « Galkꞌe yo e wa? They all came then he asked them, "The old men, they killed them, they're dead, right?" ge fogɨ fogɨ. 3PL.PFV be.finished all "They're all dead." all dan old.men DET.PL 3PL.PFV kill 3PL.DO 3PL.PFV be.finished TAG 10 - E la 11 - Galkꞌe yo e ge? old.men DET.PL 3PL.PFV be.finished "The old men are dead?" 12.1 - A. yes "Yes. 12.2 E ge. 3PL.PFV be.finished They're dead." 13.1 - Aro CONJ sɨ ro wo so wo do kꞌani wo ka gɨlkꞌɨ a ho aro when 1SG.PFV enter village DET.F then 1SG.PFV find old.man PREP house then mu la dan go lo so fogɨ. IRR.1SG kill 3PL.DO with son DET.M all "So when I enter the village and find an old man at a house, then I'll kill both him (lit. them) and [his] son." 13.2 - Yahe kal, yahe kal. » even exactly even exactly "Okay, we agree." 14.1 E de go yo lan gi galkꞌe e ge. 3PL.PFV disperse completely that old.men 3PL.PFV be.finished They all dispersed because the old men were dead. 14.2 A shi askare wo do i ya gɨ galkꞌe ɗe i ɗala 3SGM.PFV pour soldiers village DET.F 3PL.NEUT want old.men SW.TOP 3PL.NEUT be.not lan, e ge. completely 3PL.PFV be.finished He sent soldiers into the village to look for old men, but there were none at all, they were dead. 14.3 Nondo kꞌani sɨ ro so a gɨ dan gi: in.that.way then day MOD.F NONSP.F 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that « Yala! go! [Life went on] in that way, then one day he (the sultan) said to them (the people), "Go! 14.4 Sɨ ro nondo kaɗa aro we lu gi ndau ya ɨn. » day MOD.F in.that.way such.and.such then 2PL.IMP come that IPFV.1SG want PREP:2PL On such and such a day come because I need you." 15.1 Shartɨ so date a DET.M rogɨn ɗɨ go kꞌani e ka maragɨ dɨn a gey ho 3SGM.PFV put PREP then 3PL.PFV get.together all PREP in.front.of house do. MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F The time came then they all gathered together in front of his house. 15.2 Kꞌani a gɨ dan gi: then 3SGM.NEUT say 3PL.IO that ho « Wo ya ɨn gi yawe ga hɨn 1SG.PFV want PREP:2PL that VOL.2PL build 1SG.IO he. house LP Then he said to them, "I wanted you because you're going to build me a house." 16.1 - Iyo, ho do mɨne ga he kal, wa? okay house DET.F IRR.1PL:EXCL build exactly TAG "Okay, we'll build the house, right? 16.2 Ho do mɨne ga he. house DET.F IRR.1PL:EXCL build The house, we'll build [it]." 17.1 - Ɗama ni but ro wo ya do ɨn do, ho do, wre thing.ABSTR MOD.F 1SG.PFV want MMR PREP:2PL DET.F house DET.F 2PL.INDP ɗe haɗe ɨn nde tɨn. SW.TOP houses POSS:2PL be.at.PL ground "But the reason why I wanted you, the house, your houses are on the ground. 17.2 Don ɗe ho rogu ndwa tɨn do, ɨl bo gɨ si wa. 1SG.INDP SW.TOP house MODF.POSS:1SG be.at.F ground DET.F 3SGF.NEUT be possible not Me, if my house is on the ground, it's not possible. 17.3 Ile we ga hɨn dabu rogɨ same go only 2PL.NEUT build 1SG.IO middle MODF.POSS sky tɨn. with ground You can only build my house between heaven and earth. 17.4 Sɨ ro we ga hɨn lɨ wa aro mu sꞌam wa. » when 2PL.NEUT build 1SG.IO PRO not then IRR.1SG agree not If you don't build it there then I won't be happy." 18.1 Kꞌani i gɨ gi: « Ɨl then 3PL.NEUT say that mbin. » 3SGF.NEUT be.good Then they said, "Very well." 18.2 E de go yo, kꞌani lo 3PL.PFV disperse so a dɨ ni gi then son DET.M 3SGM.PFV go a fo aba so that 3SGM.NEUT give father DET.M sɨmɨn. food They dispersed, then the son went to give his father food. 18.3 Kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: then 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that a ɗɨ ɨn ho ro do, « Wre, ni ro kɨrkokɨ ro 2PL.INDP thing.ABSTR MOD.F heavy ndo ni le we me MOD.F sultan hɨn? 3SGM.PFV put PREP:2PL LP DEM.F.PROX PRES thing.ABSTR what 2PL.PFV do Then he (the father) said to him (the son), "You all, this heavy thing the sultan put on you, what are you going to do?" 19 - ... (implied response from the son) 20 - Kɨn, go gɨ hɨn gi me so a fe re gi dabu 2SGM.INDP 2SG.PFV say 1SG.IO that sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV call 2PL.DO that middle rogɨ same go MODF.POSS sky tɨn da yawe ga rɨ lɨ ho, wa? with ground CONTR VOL.2PL build 3SGM.IO PRO house TAG "You told me that the sultan called you all so that between heaven and earth you would build him a house there, right?" 21 - Ni ro da a fe do ne. thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX CONTR 3SGM.PFV call MMR 1PL:EXCL.DO "This thing is why he called us." 22 - Aro we gɨ gi ji le? then 2PL.PFV say that thing.CONC what "Then what did you all say?" 23.1 - Aro ni ro do mɨne gɨ gi ji le, aba? then thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX IRR.1PL:EXCL say that thing.CONC what father "[About] this thing, what could we say, father? 23.2 Ha! (exclamation) Ha! 23.3 Dabu rogɨ same go middle MODF.POSS sky tɨn do, mɨne gɨ gi ji le? » with ground DET.F IRR.1PL:EXCL say that thing.CONC what Between heaven and earth, what could we say?" 24 A gɨ lo ngɨn so gi: 3SGM.NEUT say son MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M that ka me so laba mɨg ka rɨ « Kɨn, go dɨ ni aro mɨg 2SGM.INDP 2SG.PFV go wa? find sultan DET.M or.else IRR.2SG find 3SGM.DO not He said to his son, "You, if you go [to the sultanate] will you find the sultan or not?" then IRR.2SG 25 - Mu ka IRR.1SG rɨ. find 3SGM.DO "I'll find him." 26 - Mɨg ka IRR.2SG rɨ, wa? find 3SGM.DO TAG "You'll find him, right?" 27 - A, mu ka rɨ. yes IRR.1SG find 3SGM.DO "Yes, I'll find him." 28.1 - Sɨ ro we dɨ ni aro dɨ gako when 2PL.PFV go rogɨn, aro gɨ rɨ gi: then go in.front.of MODF.POSS.3SGM then say 3SGM.IO that « Barka rongo! blessing MODF:POSS:2SGM "When you go (to the sultanate) then go before him and say, 'Your blessing! 28.2 Ndwe PRES.F.PROX ne lu go gwane i kiɗa ngɨne cip! 1PL:EXCL.PFV come with things NMOD.PL work MODPL.POSS.1PL:EXCL all Here we are with all of our work tools! 28.3 Yagɨne hɨn kiɗa do VOL.PREP.1PL:EXCL da kɨn da mɨg kɨ ne do work DET.F CONTR 2SGM.INDP CONTR IRR.2SG draw 1PL:EXCL.IO fiw he sɨran gi mɨne hɨn kiɗa do, line LP before do work DET.F otherwise IRR.1PL:EXCL can IRR.1PL:EXCL waro mɨne bo go ne hɨn 1PL:EXCL.NEUT do wa. not We're ready to do the work [you asked for], but you'll need to draw the foundation for us before we do the work, otherwise we won't be able to do [it].'" 29 - Iyo, ɨl mbin. okay 3SGF.NEUT be.good "Okay, very well." 30 - Ni ro da kɨn so, gɨ rɨ. » thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX CONTR 2SGM.INDP DET.M say 3SGM.IO "This thing, you tell him." 31.1 Ngo ro e when dɨ ni, kꞌani a 3PL.PFV go dɨ gɨ me so ho: then 3SGM.PFV go PREP sultan DET.M LP « Barka blessing rongo! MODF:POSS:2SGM When they (the people) went [there], then he (the son) went to the sultan [and said], "Your blessing! 31.2 Ndwe PRES.F.PROX ne lu go gwane i kiɗa cip. 1PL:EXCL.PFV come with things NMOD.PL work all Here we are with all our work tools. 31.3 Yagɨne hɨn kiɗa do, VOL.PREP.1PL:EXCL kɨ ne ɗama kɨn do work DET.F but da mɨg sꞌaga gɨ 2SGM.INDP CONTR IRR.2SG rise.up 2SG.NEUT fiw he. » draw 1PL:EXCL.IO line LP We're ready to do the work [for you], but you need to get up and draw the foundation for us." 32.1 Me so a ndɨ gɨn he nondo kꞌani a gɨ rɨ gi: sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV see PREP.3SGM LP long.time then 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that « Kɨn so, aba ɨn so, go la rɨ wa. 2SGM.INDP DET.M father POSS:2PL DET.M 2SG.PFV kill 3SGM.DO not The sultan looked at him for a while then he said to him, "You, your father, you didn't kill him. 32.2 Aba ɨn so nda lɨ. father POSS:2PL DET.M be.at.M PRO Your father is alive. 32.3 Ni ro do gɨlkꞌɨ da ma ka lɨ. thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX old.man CONTR IRR.3SGM find PRO This thing, [only] an old man would find it (the solution). 32.4 Aba ɨn so go la rɨ wa. father POSS:2PL DET.M 2SG.PFV kill 3SGM.DO not Your father, you didn't kill him. 32.5 Ɗama sꞌogo, but do ni! stand.up go.IMP.PL LP But get up, go! 32.6 Halas! okay Okay! 32.7 Amsɨ a ge. word 3SGM.PFV be.finished There's nothing to say. 32.8 Don da mu kɨ re fiw he aro, do kiɗa roɨn. » 1SG.INDP CONTR IRR.1SG draw 2PL.IO line LP then go.IMP.PL work MODF.POSS:2PL Me, if I need to draw the foundation for you, then just go about your work." 32.9 Me so a do mɨskire ngɨn yo. sultan DET.M 3SGM.PFV drive.away poor.people MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL The sultan sent his subjects away. 32.10 Gako do e next sa he kɨlafia. 3PL.PFV dwell peace Then they lived in peace. Appendix J: Text I19 Arfu go Msɨlwo Elephant and Rabbit Speaker: Geyme Abani Age when recorded: 80 Location: Welio (neighborhood in the village of Makary) Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Arfu, da daan (kaɗagɨ) nda elephant CONTR group many nda dɨ ni a dɨ sɨmɨn wa, kꞌani karaga ro 3SGM.IPFV go food things.CONC then woods MOD.F sɨm wa a lɨ do, msɨlwo no 3SGM.IPFV go LP 3SGM.NEUT eat things.CONC PREP PRO DET.F hare wa lɨ 3SGF.PFV give.birth PRO le. children Elephants, a group of them were going to eat, and the woods that they were going to eat there, a hare had given birth to [her] children there. 1.2 Le yo e ndɨ arfu nda lu kꞌani e dɨ gɨ ya do children DET.PL 3PL.PFV see elephant 3SGM.IPFV come then 3PL.PFV go PREP mother DET.F ho: « Iya, ne LP mom nde yo ɗe shame aro to 1PL:EXCL DEM.PL.PROX SW.TOP little ma then 2SGF.INDP DET.F olden.times FOC ɓara IPFV.2SG nourish 1PL:EXCL.DO then IRR.3SGM put.repeatedly PREP.1PL:EXCL feet LP 3SGM.NEUT ne aro ma tia ndag la ne; do dɨge, arfu kill 1PL:EXCL.DO very n nɗɨ ndawe gɨne nda ense ho a lu so do, shora elephant MOD.M PREP.M.PROX 3SGM.IPFV come DET.M CONJ solution m wadi? » MODM:POSS:2SGF which The children saw the elephants coming then they went to their mother (and said), "Mom, we're small and you provide for us all the time; well (the elephants) will step on us and kill us, since the elephants there are coming, what's your solution?" 2 Kꞌani ɨl gɨ dan gi: « Shora sɨ then 3SGF.NEUT say 3PL.IO that tɨn rɨ he so PRO Then she said to them, "The solution to make them turn back, I'll find it." IRR.2SG ka lɨ? find PRO "You'll find it?" 4 - Mu IRR.1SG ka lɨ, u do rɨ. find PRO 1SG.NEUT drive.away 3SGM.DO "I'll find it, I'll drive them away." 5 - Anya mɨg do rɨ wo? what! IRR.2SG drive.away 3SGM.DO POL "What! You'll drive them away?" 6.1 - Mu IRR.1SG do rɨ kania tawe hɨn yagatɨ wa. » drive.away 3SGM.DO therefore PROH.2PL.IMP do whining not "I'll drive them away, therefore stop whining." 6.2 Kꞌani msɨlwo do then hare DET.F no ka solution NMOD.M return 3SGM.DO LP DET.M IRR.1SG find lɨ. 3 - Mɨg mu bo sꞌe no la rɨ ga he. 3SGF.PFV come out 3SGF.PFV block 3SGM.IO mouth LP Then the hare went out and blocked the entrance [to the woods]. 6.3 Arfu so ɗe dan kaɗagɨ a lu gi ma dɨ ni kꞌani elephant DET.M SW.TOP 3SGM.INDP many 3SGM.PFV come that IRR.3SGM go LP then msɨlwo do no hare 3SGF.PFV go.towards 3SGM.IO mouth 3SGF.NEUT say that DET.F le rɨ ga ɨl gɨ gi: « Hay! hey The elephants were a lot, they came to pass by then the hare went towards the entrance and said, "Hey! 6.4 Hay! hey Hey! 6.5 Kɨn so yag dɨ wa le a ngo ro? » 2SGM.INDP DET.M VOL.2SG go village what PREP place DEM.F.PROX You, you want to go where [coming by] here?" 7 Kꞌani a gɨ dɨ gi: then 3SGM.NEUT say 3SGF.IO that « Yagɨne dɨ mawasɨn ngɨne, VOL.PREP.1PL:EXCL go journey wa? TAG Then they said to her, "We're going on a trip, see?" 8.1 - A-a. no "No. MODM.POSS.1PL:EXCL 8.2 Mawasɨn ɨn journey so maɗɨ PREP:2PL DET.M ile ngo ro we fɨla. for.nothing unless place DEM.F.PROX 2PL.IRR dance Your trip is worth nothing unless you dance here. 8.3 We fɨla aro we dɨ ni, ɗama we 2PL.PFV dance then 2PL.IRR go LP but fɨla wa aro we dɨ ni wa. 2PL.PFV dance not then 2PL.IRR go LP not If you dance, then you can go, but if you don't dance, then you can't go." 9.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 9.2 To ɨl sure ro kꞌashi ro mashu pal ma gɨ ya lɨ wa 2SGF.INDP NMOD.F madness MOD.F small MOD.F cheek one FOC 2SG.NEUT become PRO not do da; DET.F CONTR ne fɨla sɨran gi ne dɨ ni wo? 1PL:EXCL.NEUT dance before 1PL:EXCL.NEUT go LP POL You small crazy person that wouldn't even be one mouthful; we have to dance before we can go on?" 10.1 - Aro we fɨla wa ɗama go then 2PL.PFV dance not but dalil nda lɨ, wa? with solution be.at.M PRO TAG "If you don't dance, what solution is there, huh? 10.2 Wre yo yahe we ndɨ ni ro nse n e ji go. 2PL.INDP DET.PL even 2PL.IRR see thing.ABSTR MOD.F eyes MOD.PL 3PL.PFV refuse Even you will see something your eyes won't believe. 10.3 Blo n a fɨla aro ma si tolu so a dɨ ni, blo man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV dance then IRR.3SGM take path DET.M 3SGM.NEUT go LP man n a fɨla wa aro bɨr nda a dɨ ni. » MOD.M 3SGM.PFV dance not then warning surprise 3SGM.NEUT go LP The one who dances can take the path and go [on his way], but the one who doesn't dance, a severe warning if he goes [on his way]." 11.1 Kꞌani arfu a ndɨ gɨdɨ he kꞌani a gɨ gi: then elephant 3SGM.PFV see PREP.3SGF LP then 3SGM.NEUT say that kꞌashi ro do da go amsɨ a ska yo do, ni « Ji ro thing.CONC MOD.F le? » small DEM.F.PROX CONTR with word 3SGM.NEUT suffer CONJ thing.ABSTR what Then the elephants looked at her and said, "This small thing with such strong words, what's going on?" 11.2 Kꞌani a hacꞌan gɨ shime ngɨn then 3SGM.NEUT shake ears yo. MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL Then they flapped their ears. 12.1 Dɨ ɗe ɨl gɨ rɨ gi: 3SGF.INDP SW.TOP 3SGF.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that nde gɨn, « Kɨn, shime yo 2SGM.INDP ears DET.PL yagi ɗama each one wa? » be.at.PL POSS.3SGM TAG Her, she said to them, "You, ears, everyone has them, don't they?" 12.2 Dɨ ɗe engɨdɨ yo ɨl hacꞌan go kꞌani a ka si 3SGF.INDP SW.TOP 3PL.POSS.3SGF DET.PL 3SGF.NEUT shake PREP then 3SGM.PFV stop REFL dɨn, a bo go a completely 3SGM.NEUT can dɨ ni wa. 3SGM.NEUT go LP not Her, her ears, she flapped them then they (the elephants) stopped completely, they couldn't go on. 13.1 « Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 13.2 Ni ro ni le? » thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX thing.ABSTR what What's happening?" [said some other approaching elephants] 14.1 Arfu n shame so elephant MOD.M little ro do da ya lɨ DET.M ji DEM.F.PROX CONTR a gɨ gi: « Ni 3SGM.NEUT say that ro blo n rogɨmo thing.ABSTR MODF.POSS.1PL:INCL a si aro mashu ma ɨl thing.CONC MOD.F man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV take then cheek FOC 3SGM.NEUT wa ro do da ɨl ka mo do go hal become PRO not DEM.F.PROX CONTR 3SGF.NEUT stop 1PL:INCL.DO DET.F with action rogɨdɨ ro so. MODF.POSS.3SGF MOD.F NONSP.F The little elephants said, "Our problem is that this thing that if someone were to eat it, it wouldn't even equal a mouthful, it stopped us with her actions. 14.2 Kania m sabɨ gɨ arfu sɨ gɨlkꞌɨ n nda ɓɨlɨm therefore 1PL:INCL.IMP wait.for PREP elephant NMOD.M old.man MOD.M be.at.M back so. DET.M Therefore let's wait for the old elephant who's behind us. 14.3 M sabɨ gɨn gi a lu. » 1PL:INCL.IMP wait.for PREP.3SGM that 3SGM.NEUT come Let's wait until he comes." 15 Nondo, a lu kꞌani a ke gɨ arfu long.time 3SGM.PFV come then 3SGM.NEUT ask hamo we ka so gi: elephant DET.M that « We 2PL.NEUT si? happen.NEG 2PL.NEUT stop REFL [After] a while, he came then he asked the elephants, "What's wrong, why are you stopped?" 16 - Ne ndɨ ajabu nia. 1PL:EXCL.PFV see surprise excess "We saw something really surprising." 17 - Ajabu wadi? surprise which "What surprising thing?" 18 - Msɨlwo ndwe hare no PRES.F.PROX ha ne yo go. 3SGF.PFV prevent 1PL:EXCL.IO LP PREP "The hare here, she won't let us go on." 19.1 - Ha! (exclamation) "Ha! 19.2 Msɨlwo da hare CONTR ɨl ha re yo go? 3SGF.NEUT prevent 2PL.IO LP PREP A hare won't let you go on? 19.3 Dɨ yigɨ do ɨl ha re yo go la he? 3SGF.INDP only DET.F 3SGF.NEUT prevent 2PL.IO LP PREP MMR what Only her, how did she prevent you from going? 19.4 We dɨ ni, wa? » 2PL.IMP go LP TAG Go on, hey?" 20.1 Kꞌani e ɗɨ gɨ maragɨ ho gi i dɨ ni kꞌani no so dan then 3PL.PFV put PREP together LP that 3PL.NEUT go LP then 3SGF.PFV go 3PL.IO gako, ɨl de ensɨ tɨn gi: in.front.of 3SGF.NEUT throw foot ground that a dɨ gɨ ngo « Bɨr aro ndau ndɨ blo n warning then IPFV.1SG see man MOD.M ro. 3SGM.NEUT go PREP place DEM.F.PROX Then they gathered together to go on, then she (the hare) went in front of them and stamped [her] foot on the ground, "A warning if I see someone go by this place. 20.2 Singamde nde yo dunces DEM.PL.PROX ngo ro we nkɨ la he?» place DEM.F.PROX 2PL.IRR go PREP MMR what These dunces, how are you going to go by this place?" 20.3 Ɨl dɨ go ensɨ tɨn. 3SGF.NEUT throw.repeatedly foot ground She stamped her foot on the ground (repeatedly). 20.4 Gako do arfu next dɨ so a hɨnel shime ngɨn elephant DET.M 3SGM.NEUT cause ears ɗe engɨdɨ n MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL shame yo 3SGF.INDP SW.TOP 3PL.POSS.3SGF MOD.PL little yo ɨl DET.PL kꞌani then hɨne do. 3SGF.NEUT do MMR Then the elephants shook their ears, then her, her little ones, she shook them. 20.5 Kꞌani arfu so a ka si. then elephant DET.M he stop REFL Then the elephants stopped. 21.1 « Habi! ideo "Wow! 21.2 Aro ni ro ni le? » then thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX thing.ABSTR what Then what [should we do]?" 21.3 Kꞌani en sɨ gɨlkꞌɨ so a gɨ gi: then 3SGM NMOD.M old.man DET.M 3SGM.NEUT say that Then the old elephant said, "You, [you're] not [going], what? 21.4 No gɨ re gi ji le? 3SGF.PFV say 2PL.IO that thing.CONC what What did she say to you?" « Wre, wa, i? 2PL.INDP not INTERR 22 - No gɨ gi blo n a fɨla wa aro ma dɨ gɨ ngo 3SGF.PFV say that man MOD.M 3SGM.PFV dance not then IRR.3SGM go PREP place ro wa. » DEM.F.PROX not "She said that if someone doesn't dance then he won't go by this place." 23 Kꞌani a gɨ gi: « Me he gi then 3SGM.NEUT say that don u fɨla. stay LP that 1SG.INDP 1SG.NEUT dance Then he said, "Wait, I'll dance." 24 - Kɨn ndag fɨla, wa? 2SGM.INDP IPFV.2SG dance TAG "You, you'll dance, huh?" 25.1 - A, ndau fɨla. » yes IPFV.1SG dance "Yes, I'll dance." 25.2 Arfu n dɨmo so elephant MOD.M big a dɨ gɨ DET.M msɨlwo do 3SGM.PFV go PREP hare a na msꞌal a PRES.F.PROX don ho. DET.F LP so wo fɨla dɨge. 1SG.INDP DET.M 1SG.PFV dance very "Here, me, I really danced." kꞌani 3SGM.NEUT jump repeatedly 3SGM.NEUT dance then The big elephant jumped (repeatedly), he danced then he went to the hare. 25.3 « Ndwe fɨla 26 - Kɨn go fɨla, wa? 2SGM.INDP 2SG.PFV dance TAG "You, you danced, did you?" 27 - A, wo fɨla. yes 1SG.PFV dance "Yes, I danced." 28.1 - Yowa! interjection "Okay! 28.2 Go fɨla aro adɨgen do 2SG.PFV dance then next ha re yo go do, we DET.F a te he we tɨ gɨ ense ɨn 2PL.IMP return 2PL.IMP return gey ngo ro gi POSS:2PL mey tia ndau that IPFV.1SG e forbid 2PL.DO LP PREP CONJ PREP because.of place DEM.F.PROX people.of olden.times 3PL.PFV shew lɨ walame kaɗagɨ, walame n damo. dig pits big PRO many pits MOD.PL You danced, so now turn around, turn back because [the reason] I'm forbidding you [to go on] is because in this place the people of olden times dug lots of pits, big pits. 28.3 We si gɨ ngo ro aro we kꞌo lɨ. 2PL.PFV take place DEM.F.PROX then 2PL.IRR fall PRO If you go this way then you'll fall into them. 28.4 Ndo ni PRES ro da wo ha re yo go. thing.ABSTR DEM.F.PROX CONTR 1SG.PFV forbid 2PL.DO LP PREP That's why I forbade you [from going on]." 29 - Aro ne te he, wa? then 1PL:EXCL.NEUT return TAG "So we should go back, right?" 30.1 - We te he fogɨ, tawe 2PL.IMP return all si gɨ ngo PROH.2PL.IMP ro wa. » take place DEM.F.PROX not "Go back all of you, don't go this way." 30.2 Kꞌani arfu so a te he a tɨ gɨ ense ngɨn. then elephant DET.M 3SGM.PFV return 3SGM.PFV return MODM.POSS.3SGM Then the elephants turned around and went back. 31.1 Ɗama ndo shora but ɨl PRES da no hɨn gi le ngɨdɨ yo solution CONTR 3SGF.PFV do that children MODPL.POSS.3SGF DET.PL ha dan katɨ. 3SGF.NEUT do 3PL.IO protection But it was a solution that she did so that her children, she would protect them. 31.2 Kania ni lake do dɨban shora do ɨl bo go ɨl therefore thing.ABSTR each.F without solution DET.F 3SGF.NEUT can Therefore each thing without a solution can't go on. dɨ ni wa. 3SGF.NEUT go not 31.3 Ni lake do go shawari go fa gɨ ɨrfu aro sɨran gi ni thing.ABSTR each.F with dialogue 2SG.PFV cover heart then before thing.ABSTR rongo do mɨl dɨ ni. MODF:POSS:2SGM DET.F IRR.3SGF go LP Each thing with discussion, if you stand strong then your thing will go (be resolved). 32.1 Arfu so a gɨ le ngɨn yo nondo: «M elephant DET.M 3SGM.PFV say children MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.PL in.that.way te he aro ngo ro no gɨ mo do da m 1PL:INCL.IMP sio. » return then thing MOD.F 3SGF.PFV say 1PL:INCL.IO DET.F CONTR 1PL:INCL.IMP take The elephant spoke to his children in this way, "Let's turn back, what she said to us, let's follow it." 32.2 Kꞌani e te he e si karaga rogɨdan do e dɨ ni. then 3PL.PFV return 3PL.PFV take woods MODF.POSS.3PL DET.F 3PL.PFV go LP Then they turned around, they took their woods [path] and went on. Appendix K: Text I87 Kɨneri Squirrel Speaker: Guskro Age when recorded: 30 Location: Dougoumsilio Year recorded: 2000 1.1 Kanu nda lɨ so, a dɨ ngwashe aro nda wrestling.champion be.at.M PRO DET.M 3SGM.PFV go traditional.wrestling then 3SGM.IPFV nde megɨ he. throw.repeatedly people LP [Once] there was a wrestling champion, [when] he went wrestling he would [always] throw people down (i.e., win). 1.2 Sɨ ro gi a dɨ ngwashe a mawasɨn aro nda when that 3SGM.PFV go traditional.wrestling PREP journey ɗa lɨ. then 3SGM.IPFV lie.down PRO When he would go on a wrestling trip, he would sleep there. 1.3 Aro gɨrɨm nogɨn do go gomnaru ngɨdɨ nda lɨ. then wife MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F with boyfriend MODM.POSS.3SGF be.at.M PRO Then his wife had a boyfriend (lover). 1.4 Sɨ ro wi so a ɗa ngo ɨl ngwashe aro gomnaru when husband DET.M 3SGM.PFV lie.down place NMOD.F traditional.wrestling then boyfriend so ɗe DET.M SW.TOP a lu a ɗa ho do. 3SGM.PFV come 3SGM.PFV lie.down house DET.F When the husband (wrestler) would sleep at the wrestling place, then the boyfriend would come and sleep at the house. 1.5 Ni do ya no tɨbɨr do, blo so a ka lɨ a thing.ABSTR DET.F 3SGF.PFV become thick CONJ man DET.M 3SGM.PFV find PRO 3SGM.PFV shin go. hear The affair developed, and the man found out about it, he heard. 2.1 Gako do sɨ next ɓa gɨ pal yaga dɨ ngwashe, kꞌani a laɓa asam a day one VOL.3SGM go traditional.wrestling then 3SGM.PFV crush poison 3SGM.PFV ngo. tie PREP place Then one day he was going to go wrestling, he crushed up some poison and tied it to a place. 2.2 Kꞌani a gɨ gɨrɨm nogɨn do gi: « Sie then 3SGM.PFV say wife MODF.POSS.3SGM DET.F that nde yo, don ndau DEM.PL.PROX 1SG.INDP IPFV.1SG go do dɨ ni kania megɨ tewe ngu potions MODPL.POSS:1SG ta ho wa gi den da therefore PROH.2PL touch not that 3PL.INDP CONTR ndau nde he. » IPFV.1SG throw.repeatedly MMR people LP Then he said to his wife, "These potions of mine, me, I'm going so don't touch [them] because them, I throw people down with them." 2.3 Gako do a next Then he left. dɨ ni. 3SGM.PFV go 3.1 Faɗe gomnaru so a lu kꞌani no sꞌaga no ha rɨ amefu. night boyfriend DET.M 3SGM.PFV come then 3SGF.PFV rise.up 3SGF.PFV do 3SGM.IO gruel [It was] night, the boyfriend came, then she (the wife) got up and made him some gruel. 3.2 Kꞌani ɨl gɨ rɨ gi: then 3SGF.NEUT say 3SGM.IO that n wi sɨ ngu that potions MOD.PL husband MODM.POSS:1SG nda DET.M 3SGM.IPFV throw.repeatedly MMR people LP DET.PL 1SG.NEUT put 2SGM.IO PREP gruel LP go se do stay sie so he gi nde « Me he gi aro kɨn megɨ he yo, ɗama mɨg u ga kɨn nde megɨ gɨ amefu he. » that 2SG.PFV drink then 2SGM.INDP even IRR.2SG throw.repeatedly people LP Then she said to him, "Wait, the potions of my husband [that] he throws people down with them, I'll put some in your gruel so that you'll drink and then you'll throw people down." 3.3 Asam so no ga rɨ go he a se. poison DET.M 3SGF.PFV put 3SGM.IO PREP LP 3SGM.PFV drink The poison, she put it in [the gruel] for him and he drank [it]. 3.4 Faɗe a shim kꞌani gomnaru so a madɨ. night 3SGM.PFV be.equal then boyfriend DET.M 3SGM.PFV die [It was] the middle of the night, then the boyfriend died. 3.5 Gako do no next gi ni dɨ ni no 3SGF.PFV go ro rogɨdan ho: 3SGF.PFV cut mother MODF.POSS.3PL LP dɨmo no that thing.ABSTR MOD.F big la ya ga si gu « Iya, sꞌaga mom alu rise.up come.IMP ho. » 3SGF.PFV happen PREP.1SG LP Then she went and woke up her mother, "Mom, get up, come, because something big happened to me." 3.6 E lu ndei ga amsɨ kꞌum kꞌum kꞌani blo n 3PL.PFV come IPFV.3PL speak word quietly si a shin then man MOD.M NONSP.M 3SGM.PFV hear gɨdan. PREP.3PL They came and were talking quietly, then someone heard them. 3.7 Kꞌani a sꞌaga a lu gɨdan ho. then 3SGM.PFV rise.up 3SGM.PFV come PREP.3PL LP Then he got up and came to them. 3.8 Blo so ndo kɨneri. man DET.M PRES squirrel It was a squirrel. 4 A gɨ dan gi: 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that « Na, we now la algɨ, wa? 2PL.PFV kill person TAG He said to them, "Now, you've killed someone, have you?" 5 - Fa ne gɨ ashiri. cover 1PL.EXCL.IO PREP secret "Cover it up for us." 6.1 - Aro wante we fo hɨn nɨman aro sɨran gi mu fa re go. » then perhaps 2PL.NEUT give 1SG.IO money then before IRR.1SG cover 2PL.IO PREP "Maybe if you give me money then I'll cover it up for you." 6.2 Gako do e next fo rɨ nɨman kaɗagɨ. 3PL.PFV give 3SGM.IO money abundant Then they gave him a lot of money. 6.3 Kꞌani a gɨ dan gi: « We then 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that dɨ ni u go wil fo hɨn algɨ so gi don mu 2PL.IMP give 1SG.IO person DET.M that 1SG.INDP IRR.1SG do. » 1SG.NEUT get.rid.of MMR Then he said to them, "Give me the person['s body] so that I can go and get rid of it." 6.4 Kꞌani a si a ɗɨ golwe. then 3SGM.PFV take 3SGM.PFV put base.of.neck Then he took [it] and put [it] on [his] shoulders. 6.5 A dɨ ni go 3SGM.PFV go lɨ kꞌani a dɨ ni a with PRO then 3SGM.PFV go ka gɨ dan gi: 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that « Wre, wa? 2PL.INDP TAG He said to them, "You [there], hey? 6.7 We la hɨn mam noɨn do kꞌashi mo? » 2PL.NEUT cut 1SG.IO honey MODF.POSS:2PL DET.F small ATT Please give me a little of your honey?" ndei la mam. 3SGM.PFV find people IPFV.3PL cut honey He went with it, the went and found people who were collecting honey. 6.6 A megɨ 7 Nde gol si, i gɨ gi: be.at.PL on tree 3PL.NEUT say that « Mɨne la kɨn wa. IRR.1PL.EXCL cut 2SGM.IO not They were in a tree, they said, "We won't give you any." 8 - We si kanadi aro we la hɨn kꞌashi mo? 2PL.NEUT take patience then 2PL.NEUT cut 1SG.IO small ATT "Please show kindness and give me a little honey?" 9 - Ne la kɨn wa. 1PL.EXCL.NEUT cut 2SGM.IO not "We won't give you any." 10 - We la hɨn wa nga aro mu madɨ dɨge. 2PL.PFV cut 1SG.IO not completely then IRR.1SG die very "If you don't give me any, I'll die." 11 - Wante madɨ waro perhaps die mɨne la kɨn wa. » however IRR.1PL.EXCL cut 2SGM.IO not "Maybe [you’ll] die, but we won't give you any." 12.1 Gako do algɨ next n a madɨ so person MOD.M 3SGM.PFV die a DET.M ho ho go si do. 3SGM.PFV lift up with tree DET.F Then the person who died, he (the squirrel) propped [him] up with the tree. 12.2 Kꞌani dan so a sey sꞌe a ngo do a kꞌɨma si. then 3SGM.INDP DET.M 3SGM.PFV withdraw PREP place DET.F 3SGM.PFV hide REFL Then him (the squirrel), he withdrew from the place and hid himself. 12.3 I ya go i so he kꞌani blo n nda gako so a gɨ 3PL.NEUT want 3PL.NEUT go down then man MOD.M be.at.M front DET.M 3SGM.PFV say rɨ gi: « Aba, la hɨn 3SGM.IO that friend si. » cut 1SG.IO REFL They wanted to come down [from the tree] then the man who was in front, he said, "Buddy, let me pass." 13 Msi gasi ngɨn so a ke gɨn gi: « Kɨn, man.of two MODM.POSS.3SGM DET.M 3SGM.PFV ask PREP.3SGM that ndo yagi? 2SGM.INDP PRES who The second man asked him, "[Hey] you, who is it?" 14.1 - Blo so da ndawe a ho si ho go si do. man DET.M CONTR PRES.M.PROX 3SGM.PFV lift.up REFL LP with tree DET.F "It's the man [who wanted honey], he propped himself up with the tree. 14.2 Aba la hɨn si! » buddy cut 1SG.IO REFL Buddy, let me pass!" 14.3 Ɗe SW.TOP a la rɨ si wa. 3SGM.PFV cut 3SGM.IO REFL not But he didn't let him pass. 15.1 Kꞌani en a goe ngɨn so a gɨ rɨ gi: then 3SGM PREP heads MODPL.POSS.3SGM DET.M 3SGM.PFV say 3SGM.IO that « Kɨn, kɨ rɨ ensɨ mo! » 2SGM.INDP kick 3SGM.IO foot ATT Then the man above him said to him, "[Hey] you, kick him!" 15.2 A kɨ rɨ ensɨ kꞌani a kꞌo he. 3SGM.PFV kick 3SGM.IO foot then 3SGM.PFV fall He kicked him (the body) then he (the body) fell over. 15.3 I gɨ gi: 3PL.NEUT say that « Blo so a madɨ. » man DET.M 3SGM.PFV die They said, "The man died." 16 Kɨneri so a shin go kꞌani a squirrel DET.M 3SGM.PFV hear algɨ, lɨ sꞌe kꞌo: « Na, we then 3SGM.PFV come outside again now la 2PL.PFV kill wa? person TAG The squirrel heard then he came out again [and said], "Now, you've killed someone, have you?" 17.1 - Fa ne gɨ ashiri gi mɨne fo kɨn nɨman. » cover 1PL.EXCL.IO PREP secret that IRR.1PL.EXCL give 2SGM.IO money "Cover it up for us and we'll give you money." 17.2 Gako do mam nogɨdan next do e fo rɨ go nɨman. honey MODF.POSS.3PL DET.F 3PL.PFV give 3SGM.IO with money Then their honey they gave him, with money. 18.1 Kꞌani a gɨ dan gi: then 3SGM.PFV say 3PL.IO that wil « We fo hɨn algɨ so gi don mu 2PL.IMP give 1SG.IO person DET.M that 1SG.INDP IRR.1SG do. » get.rid.of MMR Then he said to them, "Give me the person['s body] so that I can get rid of it." 18.2 A si a ɗɨ golwe kꞌani a dɨ ni go 3SGM.PFV take 3SGM.PFV put base.of.neck then 3SGM.PFV go dɨ gey lɨ kꞌo, a with PRO again 3SGM.PFV holme. go in.front.of sultanate He took [it] and put [it] on [his] shoulders, then he went with it again, he went in front of the sultanate. 18.3 Dabra do door DET.F a da go she 3SGM.PFV tap tab tab tab. hand IDEO He knocked on the door, knock knock knock. 18.4 Algɨ n a madɨ so person MOD.M 3SGM.PFV die a DET.M a ho ho go lɨ kꞌani dan 3SGM.PFV lift up with PRO then 3SGM.INDP DET.M sey sꞌe. 3SGM.PFV withdraw The person who died, he (the squirrel) propped him up there then he withdrew. 18.5 Gako do e next lɨ sꞌe i gɨ gi: 3PL.PFV come outside 3PL.NEUT say that « Yagi? » who Then they came out and said, "Who [is it]?" 18.6 Ɗe SW.TOP blo n si ma a ga amsɨ wa. man MOD.M NONSP.M FOC 3SGM.NEUT speak word not But no one said anything. 18.7 Algɨ so e kɨ rɨ bɨndɨgɨ kꞌani a person DET.M 3PL.PFV hit.hard 3SGM.IO gun The person, they shot him then he fell over. so kꞌo he. then 3SGM.PFV fall 18.8 Kꞌani e si e dɨ ni e then 3PL.PFV take 3PL.PFV go hɨ 3PL.PFV throw latrine Then they took [him] and threw [him] in the latrine. 19 Ɓaɓa no sa ngɨlmo. story 3SGF.PFV put tree The story sat in a tree. (i.e., "The End") sɨrka.