A DESCRIPTION OF PIMBWE (BANTU, TANZANIA)ː PHONOLOGY, GRAMMAR, AND DISCOURSE by JONATHAN WEISS Master of Science, Management and Organizational Behavior, Silver Lake College, 2012 Bachelor of Arts, Drury University, 2000 Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS AND TRANSLATION in the FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES TRINITY WESTERN UNIVERSITY April 2020 © Jonathan Weiss, 2020 i Abstract The present study is the first formal description of Pimbwe, a Bantu language (in the M.11 group) spoken in western Tanzania. After situating the Pimbwe language within the wider linguistic context, I describe Pimbwe phonology, tone, and grammar, with particular emphasis on the structure of the verb. Finally, natural language use in extended discourse is described based on two running commentaries of the Pear Story film. ii Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to Stephanie, my wife and best friend, who chose to go with me on this journey and our four children Savannah, David, Sophia, and Isaiah who had no choice but to follow along. You all have journeyed with me across the Atlantic Ocean, across culturals, and down many bumpy roads in pursuit of this endeavor. I am grateful to my parents who brought me into this world and then encouraged me to explore it. My extended family has also been a great support network. I appreciate my SIL International supervisor, Helen Eaton, who has been instrumental in the crafting of this research. Steve Nicolle, my thesis supervisor, has been a kind and gracious judge of my work. This thesis would not have attained its current status without the expertise of Sean Allison, Lotta Aunio, and Roderick Casali. Their contributions are greatly appreciated. Peter and Joyce Master have been our gentle hosts for the duration of our time living in Tanzania. We are grateful for how they have cared for our family. There are many others who contributed to the research, funding, and enabling of this work whom I wish to thank but are too numerous to mention. This project has truly been the work of a community. iii Table of Contents 1. Background ............................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 1 1.2. Story of origin and etymology ........................................................................................................... 2 1.3. Geographical location ........................................................................................................................ 2 1.3.1. Creation of Katavi National Park and dispersion ........................................................................ 4 1.4. Language situation ............................................................................................................................. 4 1.5. Philosophy.......................................................................................................................................... 5 1.6. Data and methodology ....................................................................................................................... 6 2. Pimbwe phonology ................................................................................................................................... 7 2.1. Phonemes ........................................................................................................................................... 7 2.2. Vowel length .................................................................................................................................... 10 2.3. Vowel distribution ........................................................................................................................... 12 2.4. Syllable types ................................................................................................................................... 14 2.5. Tone ................................................................................................................................................. 15 2.5.1. Nominal tone ............................................................................................................................. 15 2.5.2. Verbal tone ................................................................................................................................ 18 2.5.3. Grammatical tone ...................................................................................................................... 21 2.6. Phonological processes .................................................................................................................... 23 2.7. Vowel hiatus .................................................................................................................................... 26 3. Grammar ................................................................................................................................................. 31 3.1. Nominal characteristics ................................................................................................................... 31 3.1.1. Noun classes .............................................................................................................................. 32 3.1.2. Derivation and correspondence ................................................................................................. 33 3.1.3. Diminutives, augmentatives, locatives, and pronominals ......................................................... 39 3.1.4. Possessives ................................................................................................................................. 42 3.1.5. Demonstratives .......................................................................................................................... 43 3.1.6. Structure of NP .......................................................................................................................... 46 3.2. Verbal characteristics ....................................................................................................................... 50 iv 3.2.1. Verbal structure ......................................................................................................................... 50 3.2.2. TAM ........................................................................................................................................... 53 3.2.3. Compound verb forms ............................................................................................................... 57 3.2.4. Object marker ............................................................................................................................ 61 3.2.5. Extensions .................................................................................................................................. 62 3.2.6. Copular constructions ................................................................................................................ 64 3.3. Clause structure ............................................................................................................................... 70 3.3.1. Complement clause .................................................................................................................... 73 3.3.2. Relative clause ........................................................................................................................... 74 3.3.3. Adverbial clause ........................................................................................................................ 75 4. Implications in extended text.................................................................................................................. 76 4.1. Time reference ................................................................................................................................. 77 4.2. Consecutive event marker................................................................................................................ 78 4.3. Progressive marker kʊ- .................................................................................................................... 79 4.4. Dependent clause marker ndɪ ........................................................................................................... 80 4.5. Aspectual suffixes ............................................................................................................................. 81 4.5.1. Perfective suffix –aŋɡ ................................................................................................................. 81 4.5.2. Imperfective suffix –ilɛ ............................................................................................................... 83 4.6. Present and conditional activities .................................................................................................... 86 4.7. Habitual marker kʊlʊ- ...................................................................................................................... 87 4.8. Additional verbal categories ............................................................................................................ 87 5. Summary of findings ............................................................................................................................... 88 6. References ............................................................................................................................................... 90 7. Appendices .............................................................................................................................................. 93 7.1. Appendix A: Pimbwe Pear Story narrated by Fokas Nyansio Kapongwa from Usevya ................... 93 7.2. Appendix B: Pimbwe Pear Story narrated by Maliselina Denato from Usevya ............................. 106 v Abbreviations 1 first person NCOP narrative copula 2 second person NEG negative 3 third person NEG2 secondary negative ADV adverb NGCOP negative copula AdvC adverbial clause NP noun phrase AP associative phrase N noun APPL applicative OBJ object ASP aspect PASS passive ASS associative PFV perfective ATR advanced tongue root PHRS phrasal adjective AUG augment PL plural CAUS causative POT potential C oC l complement clause PP possessive pronoun CC copula complement PRES present COL color adjective PROG progressive COMP complementizer PRO pronoun COM comitative PS-I prestem-initial tone COND conditional PST1 near past CONJ conjunction PST2 middle past CONS consecutive QNT quantifier COP copula QUAL qualitative adjective CPL completive QUOT quotative CS copula subject RC relative clause DEM1 proximal demonstrative REFL reflexive DEM2 distal demonstrative REL relative clause marker DEM3 referential demonstrative REV reversive DEM4 emphatic demonstrative ROOT nominal or verbal root DEM5 emphatic proximal demonstrative SBJ subject DEP dependent SF stem final DIM diminutive SG singular FUT middle future SIZE size adjective FUT2 distant future S- I stem initial FV final vowel STAT stative HAB habitual TAM tense, aspect, and modality INT interrogative TNS tense IPFV imperfective V1 1st vowel of a vowel sequence LCOP locative copula V2 2nd vowel of a vowel sequence LOC locative 1 1. Background 1.1. Introduction The Pimbwe (Narrow Bantu, Tanzania) language has not yet been formally documented up to the time of this thesis. The focus of the current research is to describe the Pimbwe phonology and grammar using two running commentaries of the Pear Story video (Chafe 1980; see also http://pearstories.org) as the primary example texts for the reader. The paper begins by situating the Pimbwe people with a discussion of their name (§1.2), geographical location (§1.3), and the current linguistic situation as a minority language (§1.4). This is followed by the philosophy of the thesis (§1.5). The most substantial discussion of this thesis describes the phonology (§2), grammar (§3), and discourse structure (§4). The Pimbwe people live in two areas of the Katavi region after being displaced by the creation of the Katavi National Park in 1974 (see §1.3). The language is classified M.11 by the New Updated Guthrie list (Maho 2009: 73). Roth’s historical linguistic study proposes that Pimbwe descends from an early branch of Proto-Mbozi that split off before widespread spirantization or the 7>5 vowel merger occurred. He comes to this conclusion primarily based on the language’s lack of spirantization, lack of k-lenition 1, and retention of phonemic 7 vowels (see §1.5) (Roth 2011). Pimbwe has seven vowel phonemes {i, ɪ, ɛ, a, ɔ, ʊ, u} and 23 consonant phonemes (see §2.1). It is a tonal language with three lexical tone categories for nouns and two lexical tone categories for verbs. Grammatical tone is also present. For example, the 2SG and 3SG in the present tense are distinguished only by tone (2SG – wája ‘you goʼ; 3SG – wajá ‘she goesʼ). Additionally, the progressive aspect morpheme kʊ- and the middle future tense morpheme kʊ̌- are distinguishable only by tone (akʊja ‘she is goingʼ; akʊ̌ja ‘she will goʼ (see §2.5). The noun consists of three parts: the augment, the noun class prefix, and the nominal root. The augment and prefix match in noun class. The nominal system has 18 noun classes and the NP has two sets of agreement morphemes, one for adjectives and the other for quantifiers, relatives, demonstratives, possessives, numerals and the associative (see §3.1.1). Pimbwe uses a system of copular auxiliaries, preverbal markers and postverbal suffixes to signal an utterance’s tense, aspect, and modality. There is a consecutive marker (mɑ̌-) that marks the mainline events of an extended utterance. Additionally, there is one marker for progressive aspect: kʊ- can appear on its own or in combination with other markers to signal progressive aspect. Pimbwe signals habitual aspect in the verbal system by the TAM marker kʊlʊ-. Finally, the verb -tɪ ́ is a quotative preceding reported speech, written material, or thoughts (see §4.8). In extended text, time reference in Pimbwe is expressed at the beginning of the utterance by combining the present preverbal affix (ɑ-) with the first ending of the compound verb form (-lɪ́, -tɪ́, -βɑ́). The first verb is followed by the second verb along with a verbal suffix, progressive marker, or a 1 K-lenition here refers to a local Mbozi clade historical process where the voiceless velar plosive has changed to a fricative (See §1.5). 2 combination of these two which shows aspect. This combination creates a compound verb form (e.g.: jàlɪ ́ jɪlɪβɪkilɛ ‘it was crowing’) (see §3.2.3). The organization of the Pear Story video running commentaries show the following general discoursal patterns. The completive past form (CPL) introduces characters and sets the scene. The consecutive marker (CONS) introduces new action into the text. The present marker (PRES) reiterates and expounds upon information already introduced by CONS (§4). 1.2. Story of origin and etymology The Pimbwe people tell a story of their original arrival in the Katavi region coming from the Southeast. The story says that a man and his family were looking for land to call their own and couldn’t decide which place to set up their camp because of the vast unpopulated countryside in what is today the Katavi region. As their dog was traveling with them, the animal returned to the camp one morning with mud on his feet. The dog’s owner decided to follow the dog’s lead and discovered a marshy land. He chose the land the dog had found and said m̩ pɛ ɪmbwa which means “give it to the dog.” When this phrase is pronounced quickly it sounds very similar to the name m̩ pɪmbwɛ which means “Pimbwe person.” The etymology of the word could also point in another direction as pɪmbwɛ from pa-ɪmbwɛ means “on the edge” which is an adequate description of where the people live with relation to the larger Fipa conglomeration of tribes. While the Fipa call the Pimbwe language community one of their own, the Pimbwe do not self-identify as a strand of the Fipa group. 1.3. Geographical location Speakers of the Pimbwe language number 64,600 according to the Mradi wa Lugha za Tanzania 2009. There are two non-contiguous areas where the Pimbwe people live, both of which are located in Western Tanzania in the Rukwa Rift Valley northwest of Lake Rukwa and northeast of the Fipa Highlands. 3 4 Figure 1.3.1: Pimbwe area map (map 1 - Courtesy of Google Maps, map 2 – Courtesy of SIL International) Altitude: 3,000 ft Longitude: 31° E Latitude: 6.3-7.3° S Ecosystem type: combination of forest and seasonal marshland Geological type: valley Climate: tropical, hot with long rains December-May and short rains October-November 1.3.1. Creation of Katavi National Park and dispersion Historically, the Pimbwe people were hunters and enjoyed the spoils of vast wildlife in the Katavi flood plain. In 1974, governmental authorities created the Katavi National Park and mandated that all villages relocate outside of its boundaries. This resulted in the Pimbwe settling in two areas. One of the settlements is to the northeast of the park and the other south of the park. Because of the changing hunting regulations, the Pimbwe have adapted to subsistence farming of mostly rice and corn since their relocation. 1.4. Language situation The Pimbwe refer to themselves as ɑβɑpɪmbwɛ and call their language ɪcɪpɪmbwɛ. In Swahili, the national language of Tanzania, the people are called wapimbwe and they speak kipimbwe. The Pimbwe people speak the Bantu language which in English is called Pimbwe (ISO 639-3 code: [piw]). According to the New Updated Guthrie list (Maho 2009: 73), Pimbwe is classified as M.11. Languages also in zone M.10 are Rungwa, Fipa, Fipa-Sukuma, South Fipa, Kandaasi, Siiwa, Nkwaamba, Kwa, Kwaafi, Ntile, Peemba, Kulwe, Mambwe-Rungu, Rungu, and Mambwe. There is a reasonably strong consensus among Bantu comparativists that Pimbwe should be genetically classified in the Mwika clade 2 along with Rungwa, various Fipa varieties, and others (Nurse 1988, 1999; Fourshey 2002; Ehret 2009; Roth 2011). Nurse and Philippson (2003: 171) briefly mention the idea that Pimbwe might have a genetic relationship with some Bantu F languages (Sukuma, Nyamwezi, Kimbu, etc) before dismissing the idea. Presumably, the reasoning for mentioning this is that Pimbwe retains seven vowels and contains only partial spirantization morpheme-internally (Nurse 1988: 50; Roth 2011). Roth (2011) posits that the Pimbwe language descends from an older branch of Proto-Mbozi as it shows lack of k-lenition (ʊkʊsɛka ‘to laugh’) and lack of morpheme internal spirantization (ɪmɓuɗi ‘goat’), among other factors. Relatively little linguistic work has been done on Pimbwe, although, it is included in Walsh and Swilla (2000) and Nurse (2008). Waters (2009) provides socio-historical data for several of the groups 2 A grouping of languages that have a common linguistic ancestor, in this case named Proto-Mwika. 5 presently in the Katavi region including the Pimbwe. Most recently, Abe (2011) has written an article entitled The continuum of languages in West Tanzania Bantu: a case study of Gongwe, Bende and Pimbwe. Each of these scholarly works places Pimbwe within its wider Bantu environment in southeastern Tanzania. Neighboring languages include Bende to the northwest, Nyamwezi/Konongo to the north and east, Rungwa to the south, multiple varieties of Fipa to the west, and Bungu to the south. Swahili is the official national language in Tanzania and is used extensively in the public school system. Since the birth of the nation in 1961 and subsequent union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Swahili became the unifying language. The years since have seen Swahili become the dominant language in government, education, and other formal gatherings. Pimbwe along with Tanzania’s other 120 local languages have remained on the lower level of the diglossic situation. 1.5. Philosophy The primary question that will drive this research is, “How is the Pimbwe language organized phonologically and grammatically?” Within the scope of this research, another question will provide a secondary focus; “How does Pimbwe grammar function in extended text?ˮ To answer the secondary question the Pear Story video commentaries (Chafe 1980) will be used extensively. The grammatical system is organized around extensive use of the verb. The verbal system shows temporal realization through its use of preverbal TAM markers, postverbal aspectual suffixes, and compound verb forms. Pimbwe phonology is conservative, in that it has undergone only partial Bantu Spirantization (Bostoen 2019: 314). The subsequent systemic devoicing is found only sporadically in Pimbwe and is likely borrowed from neighboring languages. As evidence for borrowed devoiced vocabulary and conservative phonology, Roth’s (2011) cross-linguistic survey of Mwika clade languages is briefly discussed here. Roth finds that the Pimbwe’s most closely related neighbor is Rungwa. He follows Nurse by stating that Rungwa is a five-vowel language while Pimbwe maintains seven vowels. He also finds that Pimbwe was closely connected socially with the Nyamwezi and the Kwa variety of Fipa in the recent past which he posits has caused significant borrowing of lexical items containing devoicing. He uses lack of k-lenition and Bantu Spirantization as tools for differentiation. K-lenition is a Mwika clade specific process defined as the changing of the velar voiceless plosive (k) to a velar fricative. K-lenition in Pimbwe is a point of departure from the Mbeya clade languages. The three Mbeya languages Nyiha, Safwa, and Malila show k-lenition while the northern languages Bungu, Ruwila, Galla, BendeTongwe, Nyamwezi, Konongo, Rungwa, Pimbwe, two varieties of Fipa, and Nyika all lack k-lenition. See table 1.5.1 for details (Roth 2011). 6 Table 1.5.1 K-lenition (Roth 2011: 85) Proto-Bantu cek ‘to laughʼ Bungu seːkha B-T/Ruwila/Galla sɛka Nyamwezi seka Konongo sɛka Pimbwe sɛka Rungwa sɛka Safwa sehá Malila sexa Fipa seka Nyiha se‘haː Nyika se‘ka Additionally, Roth shows that Pimbwe stands out from its neighboring languages showing very few lexical examples of spirantization. Even Pimbwe’s closest neighbor, Rungwa, shows extensive spirantization. Table 1.5.2 shows Pimbwe as the only language without spirantization and with implosives. Table 1.5.2 Spirantization before high i (Roth 2011ː 92) Proto-Bantu (P-B) Gloss Bende-Tongwe Ruwila Galla Konongo Pimbwe Rungwa bʊdi (303) goat m̩ busi m̩ buzi m̩ buzi embuzi emɓuɗi embuzi In the example below Pimbwe shows its spirantizational conservativity in the agentive environment. Only Nyamwezi is closer to the Proto-Bantu reconstruction in these examples. Table 1.5.3 Agentive spirantization (2011ː 94) P-B Gloss Wungu B-T Nyamwezi Pimbwe Konongo Safwa Malila -dog + i sorcerer ʊndozi mulosi mlogi omuloɗi mlɔzi ʊndozi umulozi 1.6. Data and methodology This thesis will primarily use natural language as data for the description. The Pear Story video acts as the primary controlled stimulus of the current project. The Pear Story video was originally created by Professor Wallace Chafe of the University of California. Professor Chafe generously released the rights to the video for use in linguistic research such as this project. The video is widely available for online viewing. Two running commentaries were used, one from a male speaker and another from a female speaker. At the time of the recording, both narrators were residing in Usevia in the southern part of the Pimbwe speaking area. The author collected the Pear Story video running commentaries in Pimbwe on March 3, 2017 in the SIL office in Mpanda, Tanzania. They are transcribed and located in the appendices (§7). The first is narrated 7 by Fokas Nyansio Kapongwa in appendix 7.1 (hereafter labeled §7.1) and the second by Maliselina Denato in §7.2. Together the Pear Story video running commentaries provide two natural speech descriptions of the same video stimulus. When quotations are taken from these commentaries they will be referred to immediately following the English gloss. The appendix section will be listed followed by the line number of the quote. A corpus of 50 Pimbwe texts were used to supplement the Pimbwe Pear Story findings. The genres include six expository texts, four folktales, six grammatically focused elicited texts, the ongoing translation of the New Testament, seven historical texts, six hortatory texts, two video running commentaries, three picture book narrations, twelve narratives, and three procedural texts. The texts were gathered by Karin Yalonde, Tim Roth, and Jonathan Weiss as part of the SIL Katavi Project linguistic research between 2012 and 2018. The New Testament translation is in the process of being completed by Godwin Kalawa and Linus Shauritanga along with the input of various Pimbwe community members. The five narrators were Maliselina Denato, Fokas Nyansio Kapongwa, Lobati Kasogela, Bazilio Mgawe, and Linus Shauritanga. These narrators are the authors of the 50 texts mentioned above. Each narrator consented to being recorded and having their recorded commentaries used in language research including academic language descriptions such as this thesis. All Pimbwe texts have been recorded and written in IPA with the assistance of the narrator and subsequently translated into Swahili by the narrator or Linus Shauritanga because of his consistent presence in the SIL Katavi office during the years previously mentioned. When these texts are quoted, their text title followed by the line number of the quotation in the FLEx database will also be located at the end of the English gloss. When the New Testament translation is quoted, the book, chapter, and verse follow the English gloss. If the author quotes a Pimbwe utterance given as a translation from a Swahili prompt, there will be no citation. This research will proceed by analyzing the data from a semasiological (form-to-function) approach with three exceptionsː distinction between nominal and adjectival prefixes (§3.1.1), classification of adjectives (§3.1.6), classification of relative clauses (§3.3.2). In the previously mentioned sections, the author uses an onomasiological approach. What follows is a sketch of the Pimbwe phonological and grammatical systems. 2. Pimbwe phonology 2.1. Phonemes Pimbwe contains 23 consonant phonemes as shown in Table 2.1.1. 8 Table 2.1.1 Consonant phonemes in IPA Manner of articulation Voicing/ Labial Alveolar Palatal p h h t c voiced ɓ ɗ ɟ voiceless f s, ʃ voiced β, v z, ʒ approximants w l j nasal m n ɲ nasalization Plosives voiceless Fricatives Sonorants Velar/ Glottal h kh ɠ h ŋ There are no apparent ‘gaps’ in the Pimbwe consonant system with the exception of /ɦ/ and the voiceless counterpart for /β/. Pimbwe has both the voiced bilabial fricative /β/ and the voiced labio-dental fricative /v/ as phonemes which is somewhat rare among Bantu languages. Table 2.1.2 compares ProtoBantu forms with their current Pimbwe lexical equivalents. Table 2.1.2 Phonemes β and v Phoneme ProtoBantu form Gloss Pimbwe Gloss Pimbwe v bíad bear (child) vjal bear (child) búdà rain vul rain bɩ ̀dò hurry βilɔ hurry bínɡ turn around βi ɡ drive out bókò arm βɔkɔ arm bèɡʊ̀ seed βɛdu seed Pimbwe β ŋ Initial ProtoBantu research shows that the labio-dental fricative is associated with ProtoBantu forms with high toned vowels only following the word-initial consonant. Additionally, only high, level 1 vowels (i and u) are shown after the initial consonant. The bilabial fricative, on the other hand, derives from ProtoBantu forms which are followed by high and low toned vowels as well as high and mid vowels. Voiceless stops are aspirated while the voiced stops are pronounced as implosives (Maddieson & Sands 2019: 94-5). The voiced palatal is the exception, as it is pronounced as a plosive. All the obstruents except /h/ can be prenasalized. When prenasalized, the aspiration of the voiceless plosives becomes more pronounced. The following set can be palatalized {ph, th, ɓ, ɗ, f, v, l, m, n}. The following set can be labialized {th, kh, ɗ, ɠ, f, s, β, v, z, l, n}. For the remainder of the thesis, I will use symbols {p, t, c, k, b, d, ɟ, ɡ} to represent the nonprenasalized plosives. Pimbwe contains a seven-vowel system (Casali 2017: 1). More research is needed to determine which kind of seven vowel system is present in Pimbwe. Table 2.1.3 demonstrates the vowel phonemes. The example words in Table 2.1.3 are nouns that have disyllabic roots with identical vowels. 9 Table 2.1.3 Vowel phoneme inventory IPA Height Example Gloss i hi (+HI); level 1 /ʊm̩ sisi/ root ɪ hi (+HI); level 2 /ɪ ɟɪlɪ/ warthog ɛ mid (-HI, -LO) n /ʊlʊ jɛlɛ/ hair a low (+LO) /ʊlʊzaza/ jaw ɔ mid (-HI, -LO) /ʊm̩nɔmɔ/ mouth ʊ hi (+HI); level 2 /ʊlʊkʊtʊ/ fence, courtyard u hi (+HI); level 1 /ʊfudu/ tortoise n Table 2.1.4 shows contrastive environments for six vowel phonemes (excluding a). Each vowel environment is presented within a verb stem. Table 2.1.4: Contrasting vowel phonemes Contrasted Vowels Stem Gloss Stem Gloss i/ɪ -it spill -ɪt call ɪ/ɛ -lɪl cry -lɛl raise (child) -lɪm cultivate -lɛm catch u/ʊ -tuk be prideful -tʊk insult ʊ/ɔ -kʊl grow -kɔl be hungry -pʊːt pass by -pɔːt conquer Figure 2.1.5 illustrates the range in quality of each vowel based on frequency as measured in hertz. The readings are taken from a single female speaker. Each vowel is represented by a circle that encompasses the quality range. In order to control for environmental change, only words with obstruents in the immediate environment were included in the figure. The high vowels (i, ɪ, u, ʊ) show a smaller range and exhibit overlap while the lower vowels (ɛ, ɔ, a) exibit larger range and no substantial overlap. 10 F2 (Hz) 2350 2150 1950 1750 1550 1350 1150 950 250 i i i i ɪ i ɪ u ʊ ɪ u u ʊ ʊ ʊ ʊʊ 350 ɛ ɛ ɛ ɛ ɛ ɔ ɔɔ ɔ ɔ ɔ ɔ a ɔ ɔ ɔ ɔ 550 650 F1 (Hz) 450 ɔ 750 a a 850 950 Figure 2.1.5ː Vowel quality range The degree-1 and degree-2 vowels display F1 values of 318-395 while the mid vowels show a wider range of F1 values 588-720 with a gap of 193 hertz between degree-2 vowels and mid vowels. Some recorded data supports a phonetically 9-vowel system with ATR harmony distinguishing [-ATR] {ɛ, ɔ} and [+ATR] {e, o} mid vowels but more research is needed in order to validate this possibility (Starwalt 2008: 372). Pimbwe also displays phonemic vowel length. Phonemic vowel length is discussed in §2.2. 2.2. Vowel length Hyman (2003ː 48) mentions “five sources of vowel length in Bantuˮ languagesː 1) underlying representation (phonemic vowel length), 2) vowel concatenation, 3) gliding plus compensatory lengthening, 4) compensatory lengthening preceding a moraic nasal plus consonant, and 5) penultimate vowel lengthening. Pimbwe exhibits all five of the aforementioned sources of vowel length. The first source in the previous list is referred to as phonemic length in this thesis, while 2-5 are referred to as compensatory lengthening for the remainder of the thesis. 11 The author has not yet found any restrictions on the maximum number of long vowels in a word. Table 2.2.1 provides evidence for phonemic vowel length and includes both short and long vowel examples. Table 2.2.1 Contrastive vowel length Vowel Short vowel Gloss Long vowel Gloss i /ʊkʊtipa/ cut /ʊkʊtiːpa/ curse ɪ /ʊkʊpɪʃa/ to steer /ʊkʊwɪːʃa/ to drop e /ʊkʊlɛma/ to catch /ʊkʊlɛːβa/ to swing a /ʊkʊpata/ to find /ʊkʊpaːta/ to peel o /ʊm̩lɔdi/ sorceress /ʊm̩lɔːdi / lip ʊ /ʊkʊpʊpa/ to clear land /ʊkʊpʊːda/ to rest u /ʊkʊfuma/ to come from, to go out /ʊkʊfuːma/ to knit, to weave In addition to phonemic vowel length, Pimbwe also displays compensatory vowel length. Compensatory vowel length always occurs to the right of labialized and palatalized consonants, as well as to the left of prenasalized consonants. Table 2.2.2 gives an example for labialization, palatalization, and prenasalization, showing compensatorily lengthened vowels. Table 2.2.2 Vowel length in conditioned environments Environment Example Gloss Labialization /ʊkʊd ɑːla/ to wear Palatalization /ʊkʊp ɪːla/ to sweep Prenasalization /ʊkʊsʊː ɡa/ to protect, to look after w j ŋ The syllable that follows the labialized or palatalized consonant lengthens to compensate for the labialized or palatized sequence that was moraic in the Proto-Bantu 4 reconstruction. The verb root for ʊkʊdwala ‘to wear’ and its Proto-Bantu reconstruction illustrate the process in a labialized syllable in Figure 2.2.3 (Bastin 2003). 4 ProtoBantu reconstructions come from Bantu lexical reconstructions 3 which is located in the Tervuren Royal Museum for Central Africa. It was accessed online atː http://linguistics.africamuseum.be/BLR3.html. 12 *dúad ‘wear' dwaːl μ μ μ μ /| | CV V CG V || | || | du a dw a ‘wear’ /| \ | Figure 2.2.3 Labialized compensatory vowel lengthening for ʊkʊdwala In Figure 2.2.4, the verb ʊkʊpjɪla ‘sweep’ and its Proto-Bantu reconstruction are shown to illustrate the compensatory lengthening that takes place stemming from a palatalized sequence. *pɪ ́ɡɪd ‘sweep’ μ pjɪːl μ μ μ /| /| CV CV CG V || | || | pɪ ɡɪ pj ɪ ‘sweep’ /| \ | Figure 2.2.4 Palatalized compensatory vowel lengthening for ʊkʊpjɪla In Figure 2.2.5, the verb ʊkʊsʊŋɡa ´protect’ and its Proto-Bantu form are shown to illustrate the compensatory lengthening that takes place stemming from a nasalized sequence. *tʊŋ̩ɡ ‘close in’ sʊŋɡ μ μ /| | CV N CV || | || tʊ ŋ̩ sʊ ‘protect’ μ μ /| / | C | ɡ ŋ Figure 2.2.5 Nasalized compensatory vowel lengthening for ʊkʊsʊŋɡa 2.3. Vowel distribution The author has not found substantial evidence for root-internal [ATR] vowel harmony but more research is required to validate this claim as some speakers show a tendency toward pronouncing nine phonetic vowels. Pimbwe displays height harmony (Hyman 1999). The degree-2 vowels {ɪ, ʊ} do not occur after a mid vowel and rarely occur before a mid-vowel. The most prevalent distribution pattern is a repeated vowel in a bisyllabic root. The next most prevalent occurrence pattern is a vowel co-occurring with a due to the prolific occurrence of the final a morpheme (Hyman 2019ː 131-2). Table 2.3.1 provides the full Pimbwe vowel co-occurrence paradigm. 13 Table 2.3.1 Pimbwe vowel distribution in disyllabic noun roots v1↓v2→ /i/ /ɪ/ /ɛ/ /a/ /ɔ/ /ʊ/ /u/ /i/ 9 1 4 10 2 2 3 /ɪ/ 4 5 0 1 5 0 1 /ɛ/ 5 0 9 2 5 0 5 /a/ 10 3 7 40 7 1 6 /ɔ/ 8 0 4 9 10 0 3 /ʊ/ 3 2 2 6 1 11 0 /u/ 4 2 1 6 4 2 9 Asymmetric cross-height vowel harmony is evident in verbal derivation, as shown in Table 2.3.2 (Hyman 2019ː 133-4). An underlying degree-2 front vowel in a harmonizing extension surfaces as a degree2 front vowel unless the stem vowel is a mid vowel. In which case the harmonizing extension surfaces as the front mid vowel. An underlying degree-2 back vowel in a harmonizing extension surfaces as a degree2 back vowel after any stem vowel except ɔ. In which case it surfaces as the same vowel as the stem vowel ɔ. Table 2.3.2 Asymmetric cross-height vowel harmony in verbal derivation Stem Vowel Suffix vowel (front) Suffix vowel (back) ɪ (underlying) ʊ (underlying) i u ɪ, ʊ, a ɛ ɛ ɔ ɔ Table 2.3.3 shows examples which illustrate the options presented in table 2.3.2. Table 2.3.3 Vowel height harmony examples -ɪla suffix Gloss -ʊla suffix Gloss -fikɪla enter into -fisʊla clarify -su ɡɪla come close -fu ɡʊla open -cɪtɪla do for -cɪtʊla put m -sʊ bɪla abandon -kʊ bʊla harvest -lapɪla swear to -laβʊla reply -tɛːlɛla take seriously -lɛː ɡʊla think about -dɔ dɛla follow -kɔβɔla be able ŋ n ŋ m ŋ 14 2.4. Syllable types In Table 2.4.1 there is information on syllable types, their descriptions, and whether they surface wordinitially, medially, or finally. Table 2.4.1 Syllable type Type Description CV Plain CV syllable, no length, no prenasalisation exampleː ma-tɔ-fwa-lɪ ‘bricks' CVː Long vowel, no labialization exampleː mɔː-dɔ ‘heart’; vi-kɔː-la ‘they are swimming’; ɪ-ŋkɔː ‘kind’ (G) V No length exampleː wa-ji-da ‘he came’; ɪvijaβɔ ‘fruitʼ; ʊ-kʊ-ja ‘to go’ Vː Long vowel exampleː ɛː-lɔ ‘but’ CwV C + w onset, no coda, compensatory length exampleː swɛ-fu ‘white’; ʊ-kʊ-vwa-ŋɡa ‘to talk’; ja-kwɛ ‘hers’ Cj V C + j onset, no coda, compensatory length exampleː djɔ-nsɛ ‘all’; ʊ-jɪ-tja-ŋkɛ ‘(you) paint it’; ʊ-kʊ-la-ŋɡɪ-dja ‘to show’ N CV exampleː N CVː exampleː N CwV exampleː N Cj V exampleː Prenasalised onset, no coda, short vowel Word- Word- Word- initial medial final ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ X X ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ tɔ- ɡwa ‘star’; a-ka-lɛ-ma- ta-na ‘she attached’; na- tɪ ‘even’ n ŋ n n Prenasalised onset, no coda, long vowel m pɛː-la ‘I worship’; βa-kʊ-mpɛː-la ‘they are worshiping him’; ncɛː ‘little bit’ Prenasalisation + w, no coda, compensatory length ✓ mbwi-nɛ ‘I have seen’; βa-kʊ-mbwi-la-ŋɡa ‘they have gleaned’; ɪ-mbwa ‘dog’ Prenasalisation + j, no coda, compensatory length m pja ‘newʼ; ʊ-kʊ-mpjɪ-la ‘to brush me offʼ; wa-ma-tu-ɱvja ‘he then lifted up’ Ṇ Syllabic nasal exampleː m̩ -bɛdu ‘seedʼ; ʊ-m̩ -bɛ ‘and you’; nɛːm̩ ‘with you (pl)ʼ A non-open syllable is present only when the mu- syllable is present and the vowel is elided leaving a syllabic nasal m̩ -. When this syllable precedes a V(ː) syllable, the u surfaces as a glide mw- if V1 and V2 15 backness values differ. This demonstrates there is a vowel present underlyingly (see §2.7). This analysis accounts for phones that surface in slow speech. 2.5. Tone Pimbwe has lexical and grammatical tone. Tone is defined as pitch fluctuation patterns that contribute to lexical and grammatical meaning. These tones are found in words in isolation. First, lexical tone is described in nouns. Then lexical tone is discussed in verbs. The final subsection describes grammatical tone. Only surface tone patterns are described in this thesis. 2.5.1. Nominal tone This analysis follows Snider’s strategy of differentiating tonal categories by comparing words with similar tone profiles. According to Snider (2018) words within the same noun class and with similar tone profiles can be compared in order to show contrastive tone qualities on the morae. Four surface tone patterns have been detected. They are high, low, rising and falling. The tonal categories are classified based on typical two-syllable noun roots. Bisyllabic nouns fall into three tonal categories: 1) LO-LO, 2) HI-LO, and 3) HI-HI. The surface tones of bisyllabic nominal stems of the shape CVCV are the primary focus here. This analysis considers a CV syllable as one mora. The CVV syllable is considered two morae (Guérois 2019ː 736). The pre-root class 12 prefix is considered syllabic and one mora while its preceding augment is also counted as one syllable possessing its own mora (à-ká-). The pre-root classes 1 and 3 nasal prefixes are considered syllabic and one mora while their preceding augment is also counted as one syllable possessing its own mora (ʊ̌-ḿ̩-). Class 9 and 10 prenominal augment and prefix together account for one syllable and one mora (ɪ́n-), (ín-). Although classes 1 and 3 appear to have a similar shape to classes 9 and 10, they differ because of vowel the reduction mu→m̩ present in classes 1 and 3. When the augment and prefix represent two morae, one being a syllabic nasal as in classes 1 (ʊ̌-ḿ̩) and 3 (ʊ̌-m̩-́ ), the augment surfaces as a rising tone and the nasal surfaces as a high tone with all lexical tone categories. When the augment and prefix represent one mora as in classes 9 (ɪ́n-) and 10 (ín-); the tone on the mora is a rising tone. When the augment and prefix represent two syllables without a syllabic nasal (V-CV; V-NV) as in classes 2 (aβa-), 4 (ɪ ̀mí-), 5 (ìlí), 6 (àmá-), 7 (ɪ̀cɪ ́-), 8 (ɪ̀ví-), 11 (ʊ̀lʊ́-), 12 (àká-), 13 (ʊ̀tʊ́), 14 (ʊ̀βʊ́-), the augment surfaces as a low or rising tone, and the prefix surfaces as a high tone. The tables below list the tonal categories by noun class. Table 2.5.1.1 Class 1 CV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ʊ̌m[̩́ kɔ̀tà] healthy LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ʊ̌m[̩́ pɔ́fù] blind person HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ʊ̌m[̩́ hálá] girl HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) 16 Table 2.5.1.2 Class 3 CV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ʊ̌m[̩́ sìsì] root LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ʊ̌m[̩́ sísì] tamarind tree HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ʊ̌m[̩́ kɔ́lɛ́] vein HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) Table 2.5.1.3 Class 5 CV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category íː[dìβà] breast LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) íː[kʊ́ dà] buttock HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) íː[díβá] lake HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) n Table 2.5.1.4 Class 7 CV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ɪ ̀cɪ ́[sìmà] well LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ɪ ̀cɪ ́[mínì] kind of disease HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ɪ ̀cɪ ́[síkʊ́] rainy season HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) Table 2.5.1.5 Class 9 CV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ɪń [dɔ̀kà] snake LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ɪ ́ [bɔ́ɡɔ̀] water buffalo HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ɪ ́ [dɔ́vú] elephant HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) m n Table 2.5.1.6 Class 9 CNV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ɪń [sìmbà] lion LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ɪ ́ [sɪ ́ bɔ̀] spring HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ɪ ́ [kʊ́ bʊ́] pity HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) n n m m Table 2.5.1.7 Class 11 tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ʊ̀lʊ́[βɛ̀dù] seed LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ʊ̀lʊ́[βɪ ́lɔ̀] speed HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ʊ̀lʊ́[ jálá] dwarf palm HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) n 17 Table 2.5.1.8 Class 12 tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category àká[mìnà] scorpion LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) àká[sánù] kind of tree HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) àká[βɛ́ɡɔ́] razor HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) Table 2.5.1.9 Class 14 tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ʊ̀βʊ́[fìnɛ̀] pus LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ʊ̀βʊ́[kásì] bead HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ʊ̀βʊ́[kíwá] sorrow HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) According to Snider 2018, one should look for the short, flat (horizontal) sections of the pitch pattern in order to find the mora’s tone. If all tones in a word are of equal value, then the pitch pattern will be roughly a 45 degree angle sloping downward from left to right to account for the natural human tendency to speak in a declining pitch from start to finish. In the figures below the blue line represents the pitch pattern as automatically generated by Praat software. The pitch traces in §2.5.1 and §2.5.2 all come from the same female Pimbwe speaker. In the phonetic transcriptions above the pitch trace, I have written 1) the tone category followed by a colon, 2) the phonetic description, and 3) the phonetic tone markings by syllable. The end of each syllable is marked by a hyphen. Above each pitch trace the segment is placed directly above its resulting pitch level. It is worth noting that the consonants in the figures below generate a spike in the blue pitch line. Pitch traces of the three nominal tone categories for noun class 3 are below. Table 2.5.1.10 Class 3 CV tone examples Example Gloss Stem Tone Category ʊ̌m[̩́ sìsì] root LL 1 H on prefix (PS-I) ʊ̌m[̩́ sísì] tamarind tree HL 2 H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) ʊ̌m[̩́ kɔ́lɛ́] vein HH 3 H on prefix and two stem syllables (S-F) 18 1: ʊ- m̩ - s i- s i [/] Figure 2.5.1.11: Pitch trace of [ʊ̌mś̩ ìsì] (PS-I) 2: ʊ- m̩ - s i- s i [/\] Figure 2.5.1.12: Pitch trace of [ʊ̌mś̩ ísì] (S-I) 3: ʊ- m̩ - k ɔ- l ɛ [/] Figure 2.5.1.13: Pitch trace of [ʊ̌mk ̩́ ɔ́lɛ́] (S-F) 2.5.2. Verbal tone There are two tone categories for verbs: 1) H on prefix (PS-I) where the high tone occurs on the mora just before the verb stem, and 2) H on prefix and stem-initial syllable (S-I) where the high tone occurs on the first mora of the stem. The following minimal pairs provide evidence for the two verb tone categories in one and two mora stems. 19 Table 2.5.2.1 Verb high tone examples Example Gloss Category ʊ̀kʊ́kàlà dry up 1 PS-I ʊ̀kʊ̀kálà buy 2 S-I ʊ̀kʊ́d àː fight 1 PS-I ʊ̀kʊ̀d âː leak 2 S-I w w The tables below list the tonal categories for verbs. The following table contains examples of verbs in the PS-I tone category. In this category of verbs, a high tone surfaces on the mora just before the verb root. Table 2.5.2.2 Verbal PS-I high tone Example Gloss Tone ʊ̀kʊ́tà lay (eggs) LHL ʊ̀kʊ́tùlà sprout LHLL ʊ̀kʊ́fìsà hide LHLL ʊ̀kʊ́βàlà shine LHLL ʊ̀kʊ́βʊ̀làɡà kill LHLLL Table 2.5.2.3 offers a brief list of verbs in the S-I tone category. In this category of verbs, a high tone surfaces on the first mora of the verb root. Table 2.5.2.3 Verbal S-I high tone Example Gloss Tone ʊ̀kʊ̀dwáː leak LLHL ʊ̀kʊ̀wá fall LLH ʊ̀kʊ̀lɪ ́mà cultivate LLHL ʊ̀kʊ̀sɛ́kà laugh LLHL ʊ̀kʊ̀tá bʊ̀lʊ̀là unwrap LLHLLL m Long vowels, both compensatory and contrastive, carry two morae and have similar duration. They can have a level or falling phonetic tone. As in the nominal tone section pitch traces, the phonological segments are presented above each pitch trace. The blue line represents the pitch pattern as automatically generated by Praat software. The pitch traces all come from the same female Pimbwe speaker. The first two examples show falling and level tone on compensatorily lengthened segments. The long vowel for each word is highlighted in pink. 20 1: ʊ- k ʊ- t u- d n a [\] Figure 2.5.2.4: Pitch trace of [ʊ̀kʊ́tûːndà] (S-I) The vowel duration for the ʊkʊtunda recording is 0.198 seconds. 2: ʊ- k ʊ- t ɔ- ɡ n a [] Figure 2.5.2.5: Pitch trace of [ʊ̀kʊ́tɔ̀ːnɡà] (PS-I) The vowel duration for the ʊkʊtɔŋɡa recording is 0.202 seconds. The following two spectrograms show constrastive length and their respective tonal patterns. 1: ʊ- k ʊ- ŋ ɔː- t a [\] Figure 2.5.2.6: Pitch trace of [ʊ̀kʊ́ŋɔ̂ːtà] (S-I) The vowel duration for the ʊkʊŋɔːta recording is 0.188 seconds. 21 2: ʊ- k ʊ- l ɔː- t a [] Figure 2.5.2.7: Pitch trace of [ʊ̀kʊ́lɔ̀ːtà] (PS-I) The vowel duration for the ʊkʊlɔːta recording is 0.198 seconds. 2.5.3. Grammatical tone Grammatical tone is also present in the language. Melodic H tones are present and in need of more research. An introduction to Melodic H tones in Bantu is available in Odden & Bickmore (2014). The authorʼs initial work points towards {2SG and 3SG + a-} TAM working somewhat similar to the Mbugwe (F34) language as shown in (1-4) below (Wilhelmsen 2019ː 535). The future TAM markers /lʊ̂-/ álʊ̂ kálá ‘she will buy’, /kʊ̌ -/ àkʊ̌kàlà ‘she will buy (today)’, and the consecutive marker /mǎ-/ àmǎkàlà ‘then she buys’, however, function quite differently from Mbugwe. a- l ʊ- k a- l a ‘she will buy’ Figure 2.5.3.1ː Pitch trace of [alʊ̂kàlá] Figure 2.5.3.1 illustrates the far future TAM paired with the HL verb stem as compared to the LL stem in figure 2.5.3.2. The figure shows a falling tone over the TAM marker and the high tone surfacing on the final mora of the verb stem. 22 ɪ- l ʊ- k a- l a ‘it will dry’ Figure 2.5.3.2ː Pitch trace of [ɪlʊ̂kàlà] One written ambiguity associated with the grammatical tone would be the contrast between the middle future marker /kʊ̌ -/ àkʊ̌ kàlà ‘she will buy’ (FUT) and the progressive marker /kʊ̀-/ àkʊ̀kàlà ‘she is buying’ (PROG). In figure 2.5.3.3 the stem tone is overridden by the Melodic H tone that surfaces with the TAM marker. a- k ʊ- k a- l a ‘she will buy’ Figure 2.5.3.3: Pitch trace of [akʊ̌kàlà] Figure 2.5.3.3 shows the middle future TAM marker rising while the final two syllables surface with low tones. a- k ʊ- k a- l a ‘she is buying’ Figure 2.5.3.4: Pitch trace of [akʊ̀kàlá] Figure 2.5.3.4 shows the TAM marker surfacing as a low tone along with the penultimate syllable, while the final syllable surfaces with a high tone. Figure 2.5.3.3 shows the final mora surfacing with a boundary low tone while figure 2.5.3.4 shows the final moral surfacing with a high tone relative to the antipenultimate and penultimate morae. In these examples the grammatical morpheme with a particular 23 tone on the TAM affects the tone pattern of the whole word. This topic needs further research to determine how exactly the TAM morpheme and its tone affects the rest of the word. There is also a tonal distinction between the second and third person singular present verb phrase in class 1. In (1) and (2) a high tone surfaces on the first syllable of the second person singular and on the final syllable of the class 1 third person singular respectively. (1) w-á-j-à 2SG-PRES-go-FV ‘You are going.’ (2) w-à-j-á 3SG-PRES-go-FV ‘He is going.’ In (3) and (4) the high tone surfaces on the TAM marker to show second singular while the high tone surfaces on the final syllable of the verb stem signifying third singular. (3) w-á-cɪ ̀t-à cɪ ̀ 2SG-PRES-do-FV INTER ‘What are you doing?’ (4) w-à-cɪ ̀t-á cɪ ̀ 3SG-PRES-do-FV INT ‘What is he/she doing?’ 2.6. Phonological processes Next, I consider phonological processes. The bilabial fricative when prenasalized surfaces as the bilabial plosive. This happens in both nominal and verbal forms. From a diachronic perspective the plosive was original and has evolved into the fricative. In certain contexts such as (6) the historical plosive still surfaces (Hyman 2019ː 128). (5) ʊlʊβadu ʊ-lʊ-βadu AUG-11-rib ‘rib, side’ 24 (6) imbadu ‘ribs, sides’ β→ b/N__ i -badu m 10-rib (7) βaːβɛːla ‘they believe’ βa-a-βɛːl-a 2-PRES-believe-FV When the bilabial fricative is preceded by a syllabic nasal in verbal forms, the fricative remains unchanged. (8a) βa:m̩βɛːla ‘they believe her’ β→ β/N̩__ ‘they believe me’ β→ b/N__ βa-a-mu-βɛːl-a 2(8b) PRES- OBJ.3- believe-FV βa:mbɛːla βa-a-n-βɛːl-a 3PL-PRES-OBJ.1SG- believe-FV When the obstruent is prenasalized as in (9), the prenasalization assimilates to the place of articulation of the following plosive. (9) bɛːla m ‘believe meʼ n→m/__β n-βɛːl-a OBJ-believe- FV ‘believe me...ʼ When a liquid is followed by a level-1 high vowel {i, u}, the liquid hardens to become an alveolar plosive. (10) ambɛːdilɛ ‘he worships himʼ l→d/__{i, u} a-n-βɛːl-ilɛ 3SG-OBJ-believe-IPFV ‘She believes me.ʼ In examples (11-12) an alveolar nasal that precedes /l/ is realized as [d]. Similar to the bilabial fricative, the liquid comes from the ProtoBantu phoneme d. 25 (11a) ʊlʊlɪmi ‘tongue’ ʊ-lʊ-lɪmi AUG-11-tongue (11b) indɪmi ‘tongues’ l→d/N__ i -lɪmi n 10-tongue (12a) ʊkʊlɔnda ‘to follow’ ʊ-kʊ-lɔ d-a n 15-15-follow-FV (12b) ʊkʊndɔnda ‘to follow me’ l→d/N__ ʊ-kʊ-n-lɔ d-a n 15-15-OBJ.1.SG-follow–FV When an underlying /l/ is preceded by a syllabic bilabial nasal /m̩ /, the liquid becomes /n/. In (13), the consonantʼs place of articulation remains the same, but the air passage remains closed after the bilabial nasal to create the alveolar nasal. (13) a-kʊ-m̩ -nɔnd-a ‘to follow her‘ l→n/m̩__ a-kʊ-mu-lɔ d-a n 3SG-PROG-OBJ.3.SG-follow-FV Imbrication sometimes takes place at the end of a verb stem. Imbrication is the process of interlacing the final segments of the word (Hyman 2019: 135). (14-15) illustrate this process. Imbrication takes place most often when the IPFV aspectual suffix –ilɛ is present. (14) m-bw-ine n-βɔn-ilɛ 1SG-look_at-IPFV ‘I look atʼ (15) a-ina-ime a-inam-ilɛ 3SG-kneel_down-IPFV ‘He kneels downʼ 26 Root-finally, the underlying phoneme /t/ sometimes surfaces as [s] before the level-1 high vowel [i]. See (16a-d). In this environment (16b, 16d) t and s are in free variation. This Bantu Spirantization process is one of the few typical instances found in Pimbwe (See §1.1) (Hyman 2019: 140). (16a) w-a-cɪt-a w-a-cɪt-a 2-PRES-do-FV ‘you/he do(es)..’ (16b) w-a-cɪs-ile/ w-a-cɪt-ilɛ w-a-cɪt-ilɛ 2-PRES-do-IPFV ‘you/he did…’ (16c) βa-a-m̩-wɪt-a βa-a-mu-ɪt-a 3.PL-PRES-OBJ.3.SG-call-FV ‘they call him…’ (16d) βa-a-m̩-wɪs-ilɛ/ βa-a-m̩ -witilɛ βa-a-mu-ɪt-ilɛ 3.PL-PRES-OBJ.3.SG-call-IPFV ‘they called him…’ 2.7. Vowel hiatus In this section I discuss vowel hiatus resolution. I show numbered examples each followed by a related table. Vowel hiatus resolution processes move from right to left. There are two vowel hiatus resolution strategies active in Pimbwe, deletion and glide formation. If the vowels have the same backness values, then V1 deletes. If they have differing backness values, glide formation occurs. The strategy illustrated in verbal example (17) is deletion and subsequent lengthening (ʊ→ɔ) (Hyman 2019ː 135). (17) akɔːpa a-kʊ-ɔp-a 3SG-PROG-fear-FV ‘She is fearing...ʼ 27 Table 2.7.1 Deletion verbal example Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V ʊ V1 +BACK ɔ ɔ V2 +BACK ɔ The only differences in these two vowels are their position in the hiatus and their height (nonfactor). Notice that position in the hiatus above governs which vowel has higher activity. The prefix vowel deletes in the following nominal example (ʊ→ɔ). In both examples (17) and (18), deletion happens because both vowels share +BACK backness values. (18) ʊmɔːdɔ ʊ-mu-ɔdɔ AUG-3-heart ‘heartʼ Table 2.7.2 Deletion nominal example Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V u V1 +BACK ɔ ɔ V2 +BACK ɔ In (18) vowel position governs the vowel activity with V2 being more active. The backness values are the same in both vowels, so V1 deletion occurs. The same occurs with different vowel combinations and different environments in (19-21). (19) ɪcɛːni ɪ-cɪ-ɛni AUG-7-face ‘faceʼ Table 2.7.3 NC 7 ɪ→ɛ example Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V ɪ V1 -BACK ɛ ɛ V2 -BACK ɛ 28 (20) aβɛːnɛ a-βa-ɛnɛ AUG-2-king ‘kingsʼ Table 2.7.4 NC 2 a→ɛ example Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V a V1 -BACK ɛ ɛ V2 -BACK ɛ (21) amǐːkala a-ma-ikal-a AUG-CONS-remain-FV ‘she will remain...ʼ Table 2.7.5 Verbal a→i example Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V a V1 -BACK i i V2 -BACK i The second vowel hiatus strategy is glide formation. {i, ɔ, ʊ, u} glide when in V1 position and V2 has a different backness value. {ɪ, ɛ, a} do not glide when in V1 position, rather they assimilate to V2. (22) vjɔnsɛ vi-ɔnsɛ 8-all ‘allʼ Table 2.7.6 Glide formation example (i→j) Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V i V1 -BACK j ɔ V2 +BACK ɔ In (22), the backness values of the two vowels are different so V1 glides. The same happens in (23). Backness values differ, so V1 glides. 29 (23) akwɪta a-kʊ-ɪt-a 3SG-PROG-call-FV ‘she is callingʼ Table 2.7.7 Verbal glide formation example (ʊ→w) Orig. V 1-Pos 3-Back Resulting V ʊ V1 +BACK w ɪ V2 -BACK ɪ In example (24) the first liquid drops out (a-kɔβɔl-ilɛ→ a-kɔβɔ-ilɛ→ a-kɔβw-ilɛ) to create a vowel hiatus. V2 outranks V1 by position and backness values differ, so V1 glides (ɔ→w). (24) akɔβwilɛ a-koβɔl-ilɛ 3SG-be_able-IPFV ‘she is ableʼ Table 2.7.8 Verbal glide formation example (ɔ→w) Orig. V Pos Back Resulting V ɔ V1 +BACK w i V2 -BACK i The vowel i is the exception to these vowel hiatus resolution processes. When in position V1, the result is a glide with any vowel except i regardless of V2ʼs backness value.5 Its ultra high, hyper front profile makes it more active than any of the other vowels. In (26) the final liquid drops out creating vowel hiatus (iɛ→jɛ). (25) nkʊkanidjɛ n-kʊ-kan-il-ilɛ 1SG-OBJ.2-forbid-APPL-IPFV ‘I forbid you...ʼ (Genesis 3ː11) Table 2.7.9 shows examples for each vowel hiatus possibility. Those without examples represent hiatus possibilities not yet found in the data. 5 It would be expected that two i’s in sequence would fail to trigger glide formation as failure to trigger glide formation is virtually universal when two identical Vs follow in sequence. 30 Table 2.7.9 Vowel Hiatus Resolution Strategy v1 i ɪ ɛ a ɔ ʊ u iː jɪ jɛ ja jo jʊ ju liːpɛ akʊvjɪta ɪmjɛ da ɪmjaka vjɔ sɛ ljʊβa vjuma li-ipɛ akʊvi-ɪta ɪmi-ɛ da ɪmi-aka vi-ɔ sɛ li-ʊβa vi-uma ‘dig out’ ‘he is calling ‘clothing’ ‘yearsʼ ‘allʼ ‘sunʼ ‘herdsʼ v2 i n n n n themʼ ɪ iː ɪː ɛː aː ɔː ʊː uː angaβiːle wamacɪːta ŋ ɪcɛː ɡɛ ɪcaːlɔ ɪcɔːni ɪcʊːmɔ ɪcuːma angaβɪl-ile wamacɪ-ɪta ɪcɪ-ɛ ɡɛ ɪcɪ-alɔ ɪcɪ-ɔni ɪcɪ-ʊmɔ ɪcɪ-uma ‘she found for meʼ ‘then he ‘lightʼ ‘fieldʼ ‘birdʼ ‘bitternessʼ ‘herdʼ ŋ called it’ ɛ -- -- -- -- -- -- -- a iː ɪː ɛː aː ɔː ʊː -- βamiːmɪlɪla wamǎpɪːta aβɛːnɛ aβaːna wɔɔpa waβʊːma βa-ma-im-ɪlɪl-a wamapa-ɪta aβa-ɛnɛ aβa-ana wa-ɔpá wa-βa-ʊma ‘they stood upʼ ‘he has ‘kingʼ ‘childrenʼ ‘she was ‘she hit afraid’ themʼ called the placeʼ ɔ wi -- -- -- -- -- -- wi/ʊi wɪ/ʊɪ wɛ wa ɔɔ -- -- ʊm̩ wilaɡu lʊkwɪtwa mwɛnɛ βwa mɔːdɔ ʊ-mu-ilaɡu lʊkʊ-ɪtwa mu-ɛnɛ βʊ-a mu-ɔdɔ ‘prophet‘ ‘it is called’ ‘king‘ ‘of‘ ‘heart‘ -- -- -- -- -- -- -- akɔβwilɛ a-kɔβɔl-ilɛ ‘he will be able’ ʊ u The ʊ + i (wi/ʊi) and ʊ + ɪ (wɪ/ʊɪ) hiatus resolution strategy depends on the individual speaker. Some pronounce V1 as a glide while others give both vowels in the hiatus equal length resulting in a lengthened vowel. 31 3. 3. Grammar 3.1. Nominal characteristics The Pimbwe noun stem is structured with a word-initial augment followed by a noun class prefix, and word-finally, the nominal root in common with many Bantu languages (Van de Velde 2019ː 247-255). The augment and the prefix match in noun class. Note here that the class 1 (along with class 3 and 18) prefix reduces from mu- to m̩- when the stem initial phoneme is a consonant. When it is a vowel with – BACK backness value, the result is (ʊ)mw- (see §2.7). (26) and (27) show the class 1 prefix preceded by the augment. (26) ʊm̩ʒʊnɡʊ ʊ-m̩-ʒʊnɡʊ AUG-1-foreigner ‘foreignerʼ (27) ʊmwancɛ akʊːmwa ʊ-mu-ana-ncɛ a-kʊ-ʊm-w-a AUG-1-child-small 3SG-PROG-hurt-PASS-FV ‘The small child is hurt.ʼ Proper names and some kinship terms also take the class 1 augment, but not the prefix. This is termed the class 1a augment. (28) shows the class 1a augment on a proper name. (28) ʊLutu wamǎciŋka kʊ=kaːda ʊ-Lutu wa-ma-ciŋk-a kʊ=kaːda AUG-Ruth 3SG-CONS-return-FV LOC.16=home ’Ruth returned home.ʼ (29) shows the class 1a augment on a kinship term. (29) ʊpanɔ ʊisɪ wamǎfuma pandɛ ʊpanɔ ʊ-isɪ wa-mǎ-fum-a pɑ=ndɛ then 1a-father 3SG-CONS-go.out-FV 16=outside ‘Then the father went outside.ʼ 32 3.1.1. Noun classes Following the pattern of the Bantu language family, many noun classes are present. Bantuists have assigned these noun classes numbers of which Pimbwe has 18 classes if 1a and 2a are treated as belonging to classes 1 and 2 respectively (Van de Velde 2019ː 237-41). Table 3.1.1.1 Noun classes Noun Class Augment Prefix Example Gloss 1 ʊ- mu- ʊmwa cɛ ‘child’ ʊm̩kɔta ‘woman’, ‘wife’ n 1a ʊ- - ʊtaːta ‘father’ 2 a- βa- aβakɔta ‘women’, ‘wives’ 2a - βa- βataːta ‘fathers’ 3 ʊ- mu- ʊmwɛdi ‘month’, ‘moon’ ʊm̩tɛlɛ ‘body’ 4 ɪ- mi- ɪmitɛlɛ ‘bodies’ 5 - iː- iːjʊlʊ ‘sky’ ɪ li- ɪlinso ‘eye’ 6 a- ma- amalʊ ɡa ‘families’ 7 ɪ- cɪ- ɪcɪtala ‘bed’ 8 ɪ- vi- ɪvitala ‘beds’ 9 ɪ- N ɪ puna ‘nose’ ɪ dovu ‘elephant’ ɪŋo bɛ ‘cow’ i puna ‘noses’ i dovu ‘elephants’ m iŋɔ bɛ ‘cows’ ŋ m n m 10 i- N m n 11 ʊ- lʊ- ʊlʊɡʊsa ‘rope’ 12 a- ka- akafumɔ ‘tribe’ 13 ʊ- tʊ- ʊtʊfumɔ ‘tribes’ 14 ʊ- βʊ- ʊβʊlwilɛ ‘disease’ 15 ʊ- kʊ- ʊkʊpɪta ‘to walk’ 16 a- pa- apa tʊ ‘place’ 17 ʊ- kʊ- ʊkʊ tʊ ‘place far away’ 18 ʊ- mu- ʊm̩ tʊ ‘place inside’ n n n Figure 3.1.1.2 shows the noun class pairings for singular and plural nouns. 33 SG PL 1 2 1a 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Figure 3.1.1.2 Singular plural noun class pairings There are two sets of nominal agreement morphemes in Pimbwe. The first one is used with adjectives. Each class agreement in set one includes an augment and a prefix. Table 3.1.1.3 First agreement set 1. ʊ-mu- 7. ɪ-cɪ- 13. ʊ-tʊ- 2. a-βa- 8. ɪ-vi- 14 ʊ-βʊ- 3. ʊ-mu- 9. ɪ-n- 15. ʊ-kʊ- 4. ɪ-mi- 10. i-n- 16. a-pa- 5. ɪ-li- 11. ʊ-lʊ- 17. ʊ-kʊ- 6. a-ma- 12. a-ka- 18. ʊ-mu- The second set of nominal agreement morphemes is used for certain quantifiers, relatives, demonstratives, possessives, numerals, and the associative. There is no augment in agreement set two. Table 3.1.1.4 Second agreement set 1. ʊ- 7. cɪ- 13. tʊ- 2. βa- 8. vi- 14 βʊ- 3. βʊ- 9. jɪ- 15. kʊ- 4. jɪ- 10. di- 16. pa- 5. lɪ- 11. lʊ- 17. kʊ- 6. ga- 12. ka- 18. mu- 3.1.2. Derivation and correspondence In Pimbwe a noun is derived from a verb by adding a noun class prefix and a nominalizing suffix to a verb stem. Below is a list of suffixes that can be added to verb stems for verb to noun derivation. The following suffixes can be compared with ProtoBantu and various other Bantu languages mentioned in Schadeberg & Bostoen (2019ː 188-97). 34 Table 3.1.2.1 Suffixes used for verb to noun derivation Suffix Resulting noun -i agent of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 1/2) result of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 14) action of carrying out the verb (noun class 14) -ɛ patient of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 1/2) result of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 14) -ɔ result of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 3/4, 5/6, 7/8, 9/10, 11) action of carrying out the verb (noun class 5/6, 7/8, 9/10, 11, 14) instrument by which the action is carried out (noun class 3/4, 7/8) -ʊ result of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 9/10) -u patient of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 1/2) -a agent of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 1/2) -aɟi agent of the action denoted by the verb (noun class 1/2) The following tables give examples of various kinds of verb to noun derivations. Table 3.1.2.2 provides examples of verb to noun derivation for agentive nouns. 35 Table 3.1.2.2 Verb to noun derivation, agentives NC Prefix Suffix Example Gloss Verb root Gloss 1/2 (ʊ)mu- -a ʊm̩ fwɛma smoker(s) -fwɛm- smoke -ɑɟi ʊmwɪmbaɟi / aβɪmbaɟi singer(s) -ɪmb- sing -aɟi ʊmwandɪkaɟi writer(s) -andɪk- write -i ʊm̩nɪmi / aβalɪmi farmer(s) -lɪm- cultivate -i ʊm̩sumi / aβasumi weaver(s) -sum- weave -i ʊm̩pjani / aβapjani heir(s) -pjan- inherit -i ʊmwikadi / inhabitant(s) -ikal- live / sit (a)βa1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu- aβikadi -i ʊmwivi / aβiːvi thief -iβ- steal -i ʊm̩cindi / aβacindi player(s) -chind- play -i ʊm̩duvi / aβaduvi fisherman -duβ- catch fish -i ʊm̩tɛːki / aβatɛːki cook(s) -teːk- cook -i ʊm̩twi builder(s) -tw- build (a)βa1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- / aβatwi Table 3.1.2.3 provides examples of verb to noun derivation for attributive nouns. 36 Table 3.1.2.3 Verb to noun derivation, attributive nouns NC Prefix Suffix Example Gloss Verb Gloss root 1/2 (ʊ)mu- -ɛ (a)βa1/2 (ʊ)mu- ʊm̩nwilɛ / sick person(s) -lwal- become sick old person(s) zɛhe- become old dead -fw- die -pɔf- be/become blind -saβ- be rich, aβalwilɛ -ɛ ʊm̩zɛhɛ -u ʊmwidu (a)βa1/2 (ʊ)mu(a)βa- 1/2 (ʊ)mu- -u aβafwidu person(s) ʊm̩pɔfu / aβapɔfu blind (a)βa1/2 (ʊ)mu- / person(s) -i ʊm̩savi / aβasavi rich person(s) (a)βa1/2 (ʊ)mu- domesticate -i ʊmjɛβi / aβajɛβi (a)βa- poor -jeβ- be troubled person(s) Table 3.1.2.4 provides examples of verb to noun derivation for nominalized actions. Table 3.1.2.4 Verb to noun derivation, nominalized actions NC Prefix Suffix Example Gloss Verb root Gloss 11/10 (ʊ)lʊ- -ɔ ʊlwɪmbɔ / injimbɔ song(s) -ɪmb- sing -ɔ ʊm̩nɪmɔ / ɪmilɪmɔ work(s) -lɪm- cultivate -ɔ ʊm̩cindɔ / ɪmicindɔ game -cind- play (i)N3/4 (ʊ)m̩ (ɪ)mi- 3/4 (ʊ)m̩(ɪ)mi- 9 (ɪ)N- -ɔ ɪnkɔːlɔ cough -kɔːl- cough 9 (ɪ)N- -ɔ ɪntiːpɔ curse -tiːp- curse Table 3.1.2.5 provides examples of verb to noun derivation for means/materials: 37 Table 3.1.2.5 Verb to noun derivation, means NC Prefix Suffix Example Gloss Verb Gloss root 14 (ʊ)βʊ- -i ʊβʊtwi building(s) -tw- build 12/13 (a)ka- -ɔ akaβɛɡɔ / razor(s) -βɛɡ- shave itwi ear(s) -ɪt- call amatwi lower stopper(s) -ciβ- stop language(s) -vwa ɡ- say (ʊ)tʊ5/6 ʊtʊβɛɡɔ i/ɪli- -i (a)ma- grinding stone(s) 7/8 (ɪ)cɪ- -ɪ ɪcɪciβɪ / ɪviciβɪ -ɔ ɪcɪvwa ɡɔ (ɪ)vi7/8 up (ɪ)cɪ- ŋ (ɪ)vi7/8 / ŋ ɪvivwa ɡɔ ŋ (ɪ)cɪ- -ɔ ɪcɪcɔːtɔ / ɪvicɔːtɔ whip(s) / cane(s) -cɔːt- spank -ɔ ʊm̩tjo / ɪmitjɔ trap(s) -tj- trap (ɪ)vi3/4 (ʊ)mu(ɪ)mi- Table 3.1.2.6 provides examples of verb to noun derivation for abstract concepts. Table 3.1.2.6 Verb to noun derivation, abstract concepts NC Prefix Suffix Example Gloss Verb root Gloss 11 (ʊ)lʊ- -u ʊlʊfu death -fw- die 14 (ʊ)βʊ- -ɛ ʊβʊlwilɛ / illness(es) -lwal- become ill 14 (ʊ)βʊ- -i ʊβʊpjani inheritance -pjan- inherit 14 (ʊ)βʊ- -i ʊβwikadi life -ikal- live / sit 14 (ʊ)βʊ- -i ʊβʊjɛβi poverty -jeβ- be troubled 9 (ɪ)N- -i ɪnɡɔfi fear -ɔp- fear 6 (a)ma- -a amalwa quarrel -lw- fight (a)ma- amalwilɛ The following tables illustrate some adjective to noun correspondences in Pimbwe. When taking an adjective stem and adding a class 14 prefix, the resulting noun expresses an abstract idea resulting from a concrete form. Tables 3.1.2.7, 3.1.2.8, and 3.1.2.9 provide examples of adjective to noun correspondence. 38 Table 3.1.2.7 Adjective to noun correspondence, class 14 NC Prefix Example Gloss Stem Gloss 14 (ʊ)βʊ- ʊβʊsɔɡa goodness -sɔɡa good 14 (ʊ)βʊ- ʊβʊβɪ badness -βɪ bad 14 (ʊ)βʊ- ʊβʊkʊlʊ bigness -kʊlʊ big 14 (ʊ)βʊ- ʊβʊnwamu heaviness -nwamu heavy 14 (ʊ)βʊ- ʊβʊtalɪ distance -talɪ long The same correspondences can be observed between adjectives and nouns from class 1/2. When taking an adjective stem and adding a class 1 prefix, the resulting noun is a person who has the quality described by the adjective. Table 3.1.2.8 Adjective to noun correspondence, class 1 NC Prefix Example Gloss Stem Gloss 1 (ʊ)mu- ʊm̩sɔɡa good person -soga good 1 (ʊ)mu- ʊm̩bɪ bad person -βɪ bad 1 (ʊ)mu- ʊm̩kʊlʊ big person -kʊlʊ big 1 (ʊ)mu- ʊm̩nwamu heavy person -nwamu heavy Table 3.1.2.9 Adjective to noun correspondence, class 2 NC Prefix Example Gloss Stem Gloss 2 (a)βa- aβasɔɡa good people -sɔɡa good 2 (a)βa- aβaβɪ bad people -βɪ bad 2 (a)βa- aβakʊlʊ big people -kʊlʊ big 2 (a)βa- aβanwamu heavy people -nwamu heavy Table 3.1.2.10 provides examples of noun to noun correspondence. 39 Table 3.1.2.10 Noun to noun correspondences NC Example Gloss NC Example Gloss 1/2 ʊmwɪ baɟi singer(s) 11/10 ʊlwɪ bɔ song(s) 1/2 ʊm̩nwilɛ ill person(s) 14/6 ʊβʊlwilɛ illness(es) 1/2 ʊm̩pjani / heir(s) 14 ʊβʊpjani inheritance inhabitant(s) 14 ʊβwikadi life poor person(s) 14 ʊβʊjɛβi poverty builder(s) 14 ʊβʊtwi building beautiful person(s) 14 ʊβʊsɔɡa taste / beauty medicine man 14 ʊβʊɡaŋɡa medicine sorcerer(s) 14 ʊβʊlɔdi witchcraft healthy person(s) 14 ʊβʊpaŋɡa life dead person(s) 14 ʊlʊfu death 9 ɪ fwa player(s) 3/4 ʊm̩ci dɔ / ɪmici dɔ game farmer(s) 3/4 ʊm̩nɪmɔ / ɪmilɪmɔ work owner(s) 9 ɪnsaβɔ belongings / bride price 8 ɪvisaβwa herd (of cattle) 5/6 iβɪ / amaβɪ problem m m aβapjani 1/2 ʊmwikadi / aβikadi 1/2 ʊm̩jɛβi / aβajɛβi 1/2 ʊm̩twi / aβatwi 1/2 ʊm̩sɔɡa / aβasɔɡa 1/2 ʊm̩ɡaŋɡa / aβaɡa ɡa ŋ 1/2 ʊm̩nɔdi / aβalɔdi 1/2 ʊm̩paŋɡa / aβapa ɡa ŋ 1/2 ʊm̩fwidu / aβafwidu 1/2 ʊm̩ci di / n mourning ɱ n n aβaci di n 1/2 ʊm̩nɪmi / aβalɪmi 1/2 ʊm̩saβa / aβasaβa 1/2 ʊm̩bɪ / aβaβɪ wicked person(s) Note that class 14 nouns normally just change their prefix; the suffix is the same as for class 1/2 nouns. 3.1.3. Diminutives, augmentatives, locatives, and pronominals Diminutives can be derived from different noun classes. They constitute class 12 (singular) and class 13 (plural). To get the singular diminutive, (a)ka- is added to the nominal stem; the plural prefix is (ʊ)tʊ-. For 40 some nouns, however, the class 12/13 prefix is added to the regular noun class prefix. In these cases, both noun class prefixes agree in number. Table 3.1.3.1 Diminutives (singular) NC Example Gloss NC Example Gloss 1 ʊmwana child 12 akaːna little child akancɛ little, tiny child akam̩tɪ little tree akam̩nʊmbɪ little story ʊmwancɛ 3 ʊm̩tɪ tree 12 ʊm̩nʊmbɪ story 5 iwɛ stone 12 akawɛ little stone 7 ɪcambɪ knife 12 akambɪ little knife 9 ɪmbwa dog 12 akabwa little dog 11 ʊlʊːdɪ river 12 akalʊːdɪ little river 14 ʊβʊfɛ lie 12 akaβʊfɛ little lie Table 3.1.3.2 Diminutives (plural) NC Example Gloss NC Example Gloss 2 aβaːna children 13 ʊtwana little children 4 ɪmitɪ trees 13 ʊtʊmitɪ little trees 6 amawɛ stones 13 ʊtʊmawɛ / ʊtʊwɛ little stones 8 ɪvjambɪ knives 13 ʊtwambɪ / tʊvjambɪ little knives 10 imbwa dogs 13 ʊtʊbwa little dogs 14 ʊβʊfɛ lie 13 ʊtʊβʊfɛ little lies Augmentatives can also be derived from different noun classes. They constitute class 5 (singular) and class 6 (plural). To get the singular augmentative, (ɪ)li- or iː is added to the nominal stem; the plural prefix is (a)ma-. For some nouns, however, (such as the class 14 example in table 3.1.3.3) the class 5/6 prefix is added to the regular noun class prefix. For this type of example, the class 5/6 prefix is added in addition to, rather than instead of, the regular noun class prefix. 41 Table 3.1.3.3 Augmentatives (singular) NC Example Gloss NC Example Gloss 1 ʊm̩ntʊ person 5 ɪlintʊ giant 3 ʊm̩ twɛ head 5 ɪlitwɛ big head 7 ɪcɔːni bird 5 ɪlyɔni big bird 9 ɪm bwa dog 5 ɪlibwa big dog 11 ʊlʊdiːna name 5 ɪlidiːna bad name 12 akantaŋɡwa star 5 ɪlintaŋɡwa big star 14 ʊβʊfɛ lie 5 liβʊfɛ big lie Table 3.1.3.4 Augmentatives (plural) NC Example Gloss NC Example Gloss 2 aβantʊ people 6 amantʊ giants 4 ɪmitwɛ heads 6 amatwɛ big heads 8 ɪvjɔni birds 6 amɔːni big birds 10 im bwa dogs 6 amabwa big dogs 13 ʊtʊntaŋɡwa stars 6 amantaŋɡwa big stars 14 ʊβʊfɛ lie 6 maβʊfɛ big lies The noun can become a locative noun with the addition of a class 16, 17, or 18 locative clitic stem-initially. The result of this process does not change the class of the noun. The original noun class of the noun still governs the agreement of its constituents in the noun phrase as shown in (30). (30) a-id-ilɛ a-kʊ-ɛndɛʃ-a m paka 3SG-come-IPFV 3SG-PROG-drive-FV until pá=m̩-tɪ βw-a ma-tunda 16=3-tree 3-ASS 6-fruit ‘He comes riding until the fruit tree.’ The locative that attaches to a noun word-initially is treated as a clitic because it joins the noun to make a single phonological word but acts independently syntactically. 42 Table 3.1.3.5 Independent pronouns Person/no. Form Person/no. Form 1SG ʊ-nɛːnɛ 1PL ʊ-twɛnsu 2SG ʊ-wɛːwɛ 2PL ʊ-mwɛnsu 3SG ʊ-m̩ -kɔla 3PL a-βa-kɔla There are six forms of the independent pronoun. The first and second person forms contain the class 1a augment ʊ-. The 3SG form takes the class 1 augment and prefix while the 3PL takes the class 2 augment and prefix. The augment is not always present. The reasons for the augment’s disappearance is yet to be determined. Table 3.1.3.6 Interrogative pronouns Form Gloss Example Gloss ni who ʊm̩ tʊ alawɛ ʊ=ni ‘Who is this man?ʼ ci what/which tʊm̩ cɪtɛ ci ‘What should we do with him?’ pɛ where ʊlɪ pɛ ‘Where are you?’ kʊ ci why kʊ ci ʊkʊvwaŋɡa vivjɔ ‘Why are you talking that way?’ βʊlɛ how wamaɲa βʊlɛ ‘How do you know?’ - ɡɑ how many vilɪ ɪvikapɔ viŋɡa ‘How many baskets are there?’ ŋ n Six interrogative pronominal forms are present. In order to ask time questions a word referring to a time period (day, month, year, etc.) is followed by ci. The interrogative form -ŋɡa is preceded by the noun class agreement of the head noun which is being questioned. 3.1.4. Possessives Possessive pronouns follow the NP they modify and agree in number and noun class with the head NP. They can also appear without the head NP if context allows. 43 Table 3.1.4.5 Possessive pronoun agreement NC -anɛ -akɔ -akwɛ -ɪtʊ -inu -aβɔ 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL 1 waːnɛ waːkɔ waːkwɛ wɪːtʊ wiːnu waːβɔ 1a waːnɛ waːkɔ waːkwɛ wɪːtʊ wiːnu waːβɔ 2 βaːnɛ βaːkɔ βaːkwɛ βɪːtʊ βiːnu βaːβɔ 3 βwaːnɛ βwaːkɔ βwaːkwɛ βwɪːtʊ βwiːnu βwaːβɔ 4 jaːnɛ jaːkɔ jaːkwɛ jɪːtʊ jɪːnu jaːβɔ 5 ljaːnɛ ljaːkɔ ljaːkwɛ liːtʊ liːnu ljaβɔ 6 ɡaːnɛ ɡaːkɔ ɡaːkwɛ ɡɪːtʊ ɡiːnu ɡaːβɔ 7 caːnɛ caːkɔ caːkwɛ cɪːtʊ ciːnu caːβɔ 8 vjaːnɛ vjaːkɔ vjaːkwɛ vjɪːtʊ vjiːnu vjaːβɔ 9 jaːnɛ jaːkɔ jaːkwɛ jɪːtʊ jɪːnu jaːbɔ 10 dyaːnɛ djaːkɔ djaːkwɛ djɪːtʊ djɪːnu djaːβɔ 11 lwaːnɛ lwaːkɔ lwaːkwɛ lwɪːtʊ lwiːnu lwaːβɔ 12 kaːnɛ kaːkɔ kaːkwɛ kɪːtʊ kiːnu kaːβɔ 13 twaːnɛ twaːkɔ twaːkwɛ twɪːtʊ twiːnu twaːβɔ 14 βwaːnɛ βwaːkɔ βwaːkwɛ βwɪːtʊ βwiːnu βwaːβɔ 15 kwaːnɛ kwaːkɔ kwaːkwɛ kwɪːtʊ kwiːnu kwaːβɔ 16 paːnɛ paːkɔ paːkwɛ pɪːtʊ piːnu paːβɔ 17 kwaːnɛ kwaːkɔ kwaːkwɛ kwɪːtʊ kwiːnu kwaːβɔ 18 mwaːnɛ mwaːkɔ mwaːkwɛ mwɪːtʊ mwiːnu mwaːβɔ Table 3.1.4.6 includes short forms of NPʼs that include a possessive pronoun. Table 3.1.4.6 Possessive short forms Short Form Long Form Gloss sɔ: isɪ + waːkɔ your father isɛ isɪ + wakwɛ his father βajɪsɪβɔ βajɪsɪ + βaβɔ their fathers nyɔkɔ nyina + wa:kɔ your mother mwanaːnɛ mwana + waːnɛ my child mwanakɔ mwana + waakɔ your child mwanɛ mwana + wakwɛ his/her child 3.1.5. Demonstratives This research found five categories of demonstratives. The class 1 forms of these demonstratives follow: 1) proximal (wɛ ‘thisʼ), 2) distal (wɛlɛ ‘thatʼ), 3) referential (wɛdɔ ‘this/that one previously mentionedʼ), 4) 44 emphatic (alawɛ(lɛ) ‘this/that very one previously mentionedʼ), and 5) the emphatic proximal (wɛnjɛnɛwɛ ‘this one right hereʼ). The demonstratives can stand alone, precede, or follow the noun which they modify based on their pragmatic and discoursal role in the utterance (Van de Velde 2019ː 256). Table 3.1.5.1: Demonstratives by noun class Class Prox (DEM1) Dist (DEM2) Ref (DEM3) Emph. (DEM4) Emph-prox (DEM5) 1 wɛ wɛlɛ wɛdɔ alawɛ wɛnjɛnɛwɛ 2 βa βalɛ βaːβɔ alaβa βanjɛnɛβa 3 βʊ βʊlɛ βʊβɔ alaβʊ βʊnjɛnɛβʊ 4 jɪː jɪlɛ jɪjɔ alajɪː jɪːnjɛnɛjɪː 5 lɪ lɪlɛ lɪlɔ alalɪ lɪnjɛnɛlɪ 6 ɡa ɡalɛ ɡaːɡɔ alaɡa ɡanjɛnɛɡa 7 cɪ cɪlɛ cɪcɔ alacɪ cɪnjɛnɛcɪ 8 vi viːlɛ viːvjɔ alavi vinjɛnɛvi 9 jɪː jɪlɛ jɪjɔ alajɪː jɪːnjɛnɛjɪː 10 di dilɛ didjɔ aladi dinjɛnɛdi 11 lʊ lʊːlɛ lʊljɔ alalʊ lʊnjɛnɛlʊ 12 ka kalɛ kaːkɔ alaka kanjɛnɛka 13 tʊ tʊlɛ tʊtjɔ alatʊ tʊnjɛnɛtʊ 14 βʊ βʊlɛ βʊβɔ alaβʊ βʊnjɛnɛβʊ 15 --- --- --- --- ---- 16 pa paːlɛ paːpɔ alapa panjɛnɛpa 17 kʊ kʊlɛ kʊːkɔ alakʊ kʊnjɛnɛkʊ 18 mu/m̩ mulɛ m̩ mɔ alamu m̩ njɛnɛm̩ The proximal category, in its spatial function, locates the modified noun in the space near to the speaker (Nicolle 2014ː 127). In the Pear story commentaries, the proximal is used nine times. (31) shows the class 17 proximal demonstrative standing on its own. (31) w-a-lɪŋɡ-ɪʃ-a kw-ijʊlʊ w-a-liŋɡ-iʃ-a kʊ ni kʊ 3SG-PRES-see-CAUS-FV 17=up 3SG-PRES-see-CAUS-FV 17.DEM1 CONJ 17.DEM1 ‘He looks up, he looks around him.ʼ (lit. ‘here and here’) (§7.1ː 46) (32b) shows the class 6 proximal demonstrative surfacing after the modified noun. 45 (32a) w-a-βá a-kʊ-daβ-a kʊ́=m̩-tɪ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-harvest-FV 17=3-tree ‘He was picking in the tree...’ (32b) ga-mwi ga lɪ-mwi lɪ-mǎ-w-a 6-one 6.DEM1 5-one 5-CONS-fall-FV ‘...some (of) these. Then one falls.ʼ (§7.2: 6) The distal category, in its spatial function, locates the noun it modifies in the space outside of the immediate context of the speaker. In the Pear story commentaries, the distal is used 44 times. (33) shows the class 1 demonstrative replacing the noun. (33) ni wɛ-lɛ ʊ-w-a m -budi CONJ 1-DEM2 AUG-1-ASS 9-goat wa-mǎ-pʊːt-a 3SG-CONS-pass_by-FV ‘And that (owner) of the goat, then he is passing by.ʼ (§7.1ː 33) (34) shows the class 12 distal demonstrative surfacing before the modified noun. (34a) ka-lɛ a-ka-lumɛndɔ k-a-βá ka-a-vulal-ɪk-aŋɡ-a, 12-DEM2 AUG-12-boy 12-PRES-NCOP 12-PRES-injure-STAT-PFV-FV ‘That boy is injured,ʼ (§7.1ː 88) (34b) ka-mǎ-nʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-sukum-a 12-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-push-FV ‘He begins to push.ʼ (§7.1ː 88) The referential category, in its spatial deictic function, shows the object is near to the addressee. In the Pear story commentaries, the referential is used ten times. Both occurrences are below. (35) shows the referential demonstrative surfacing after the modified noun. (35) a-kʊ-βik-a m̩-fukɔ a-kʊ-daβ-a tʊpʊ ma-tunda ɡaɡɔ 3SG-PROG-put-FV 3-pocket 3SG-PROG-pick-FV only 6-fruit 6.DEM3 ‘He is putting (them) in his pocket, he is just picking that fruit (previously mentioned).ʼ (§7.1ː 35) (36) illustrates the class 1 referential demonstrative surfacing before the modified noun. 46 (36) wa-mǎ-βʊːk-a wɛdɔ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 3SG-CONS-leave-FV 1.DEM3 AUG-1-young man ni basikɛli CONJ bicycle ‘Then that young man left with a bicycle.ʼ (§7.1ː 76) The emphatic category emphasizes the importance of the noun it delimits or refers to in the utterance. This category is created by attaching a prefix (ala-) to either the proximal or the distal demonstrative. (37) shows the emphatic demonstrative standing alone. (37) a-tɪ lʊndɪ ala-pa ʊ-nɔ w-a-ŋɡ-iβ-ɪl-a ɔni 3SG-say again DEM4-16 1-REL 3SG-PRES-OBJ.1SG-steal-APPL-FV INT ‘He said again, “At this very place the one who stole from me is whom?”ʼ (§7.1ː 100) (38) shows the emphatic demonstrative surfacing after the modified noun. (38) ɪ-cɪ-tabu ala-cɪ c-a-lɪ ́ c-andiːk-w-ɛ ni luːka AUG-7-book DEM4-7 7-PRES-CPL 7-write-PASS-IPFV CONJ Luke ‘This very book was written by Luke.ʼ (Foreword to Gospel of Luke) The emphatic proximal category emphasizes the proximity of the noun referred to in the utterance. (39) and (40) show the demonstrative standing alone. There are no examples of this type in the data where the modified noun is present in the same clause. (39) ŋ -kʊl-ilɛ panjɛnɛpa 1SG-grow_up-IPFV 16.DEM5 ‘I grew up right here.ʼ (Acts of the Apostles 22:3 Pimbwe Translation) (40) ni wɛnjɛnɛwɛ, w-a-lɪ ́ a-lɪ pamwi na-wɛ CONJ 1.DEM5 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-LCOP together CONJ-1.DEM1 ‘...and this one right here was together with him...ʼ (Luke 22ː56, New Testament) 3.1.6. Structure of NP This section outlines and provides the attested order for modifiers in the noun phrase ( NP). The modifiers discussed are as follows: demonstratives, possessive pronouns, quantifiers ( QNT), numerals (NUM), size adjectives (SIZE), qualitative adjectives (QUAL), color adjectives (COL), and phrasal adjectives (PHRS). The latter set (PHRS) occurs in the form of associative (AC) and relative (RC) clauses (Van de Velde 2019ː 1601). An example of each type is shown in Table 3.1.6.1. 47 Table 3.1.6.1 Nominal modifiers DEM PP QNT NUM SIZE QUAL PHRS (ASS/RC) COL Example -lɛ -anɛ -cɛː -βɪlɪ -kʊlʊ -tali -swɛfu -a kʊsaβwa/-nɔ -kɔɲwikɛ Gloss those my small two big long/tall white domesticated/broken Nominal modifiers generally follow the head noun. The only regular exceptions are the demonstratives which appear on either side of the noun. The reasons for the variations in the order of the demonstrative and noun have yet to be determined. (41) shows a SIZE following the head noun. (41) ʊ-m̩-tɪ ʊ-βʊ-tali N SIZE AUG-3-tree AUG-3-tall ‘tall treeʼ (42) provides a complete sentence where the head noun in the first NP is followed by a NUM. The second NP displays the head noun followed by a QUAL. (42) ʊ-lʊ-sikʊ lʊ-mwi ɪ-m-bwa ɪ-n-tamvi j-a-lɪ ́ ɪ-fum-ilɛ ḿ̩=kaːda AUG-11-day AUG-9-dog AUG-9-crazy 9-PRES-CPL 9-happen-IPFV 18=village 11-one ‘One day a crazy dog appeared in the village.’ (Mbwa kichaa: 1.1) Constituent order is somewhat flexible, but there is a general order of NP constituents. The attested order follows: DEM2-4 > N > PP > DEM1-3 > QNT > DEM3 > NUM > SIZE > QUAL > COL > PHRS. Only one demonstrative can occur in a single noun phrase. For examples of demonstratives preceding the noun see (34) and (36) in §3.1.5. (43) illustrates the head noun followed first by a PP and, phrase finally, by a DEM1. (43) ʊ-m̩-tɪ βw-aːnɛ βʊ N PP DEM AUG-3-tree 3-PP.1SG 3.DEM1 ‘this tree of mineʼ (lit. ‘tree my thisʼ) (44) and (45) provide similar environments where the position of the DEM changes in relation to the QNT depending on what type of DEM is employed in the NP. (44) gives an example of the QNT followed by a DEM3. 48 (44) ɪ-vi-ntu vj-ɔnsɛ vivjɔ N QNT DEM AUG-8-thing 8-PP.1SG 8.DEM3 ‘all those thingsʼ (45) demonstrates DEM1 following the head noun but preceding the QNT. (45) ɪ-vi-nwɛ vi vj-ɔnsɛ N DEM QNT AUG-8-finger 8-DEM1 8-all ‘all these fingersʼ (46) shows the noun followed by the PP, QNT, and SIZE in that order. (46) ɪ-mi-tɪ j-aːnɛ j-ɔnsɛ ɪ-mi-kʊlʊ N PP QNT SIZE AUG-4-tree 4-PP.1SG 4-all AUG-4-big ‘all my big treesʼ (47) demonstrates how the NUM precedes the SIZE. (47) ɪ-vj-ɛŋɡɛ vi-βɪlɪ ɪ-vi-kʊlʊ N NUM SIZE AUG-8-light 8-two AUG-8-big ‘two big lightsʼ (Genesis 1ː16) (48) shows the NUM coming after DEM1. (48) ɪ-vi-nwɛ vi vi-tatu N DEM1 NUM AUG-8-finger 8.DEM1 8-three ‘these three fingersʼ In (49) the NUM follows the PP. 49 (49) ɪ-vi-nwɛ vj-a:nɛ vi-tatu N PP NUM AUG-8-finger 8-PP.1SG 8-three ‘my three fingersʼ (50) shows NUM following the QNT. (50) ɪ-vi-nwɛ vj-ɔnsɛ vi-tatu N QNT NUM AUG-8-finger 8-PP.1SG 8-three ‘my three fingersʼ (51) gives the noun immediately followed by SIZE, then QUAL, COL, and finally a PHRS in the form of a relative clause (RC) (For more description of the RC see §3.3.2). The RC resides within an NP and follows the head noun of that NP. (51) ɪ-cɪ-nwɛ ɪ-cɪ-talɪ ɪ-cɪ-nu ɪ-cɪ-fisu [cɪ-nɔ cɪ-kɔɲw-ikɛ]RC N SIZE QUAL COL PHRS AUG-7-finger AUG-7-long AUG-7-fat AUG-7-black 7-REL 7-break-STAT.IPFV ‘long, fat, black, broken fingerʼ (52) illustrates SIZE, QUAL, then a PHRS in the form of an associative phrase (AP). For the purposes of this thesis an associative phrase is defined as having NC agreement + a followed by an adjective. Similar to the relative clause, the associative phrase resides within an NP and follows the head noun of that NP. In (52) SIZE and QUAL come between the head noun of the NP and the associative phrase. The associative normally surfaces with the augment. As also mentioned in §3.2.6 the augment is in need of more research. (52) ɪ-mi-tɪ mi-cɛ ɪ-mi-sɔɡa [ɪ-j-a kalɛ]AP N SIZE QUAL PHRS AUG-4-tree 4-small AUG-4-good AUG-4-ASS old ‘small, good, old treeʼ Table 3.1.6.2 Associative Class augment - associative Class augment - associative 1 ʊ-wa 10 ɪ-dja 2 a-βa 11 ʊ-lwa 3 ʊ-βwa 12 a-ka 4 ɪ-ja 13 ʊ-twa 5 ɪ-lja 14 ʊ-βwa 50 6 a-ɡa 15 ʊ-kwa 7 ɪ-ca 16 a-pa 8 ɪ-vja 17 ʊ-kwa 9 ɪ-ja 18 ʊ-mwa 3.2. Verbal characteristics This chapter will cover verbal structure, TAM, object markers, verbal extensions, copular constructions, and compound verb forms. 3.2.1. Verbal structure In Pimbwe a verb has the following characteristics: morphologically, it minimally consists of a root with a suffixed final vowel but often carries additional prefixes and suffixes. Syntactically, it has a predicate function in a sentence. Semantically, it expresses an event, an action, a process or a state. The verbal morphemes and their slots have a predictable structure. The table shows the order in which different morphemes can occur in a Pimbwe verb. The positions in brackets are not always filled; the ones marked with asterisk (*) can contain more than one morpheme. Table 3.2.1.1 Verb structure Position Name Func. / (1) (2) (3*) (4) 5 (6*) (7) 8 (9) Subj Neg TAM Object Root Extensions Aspect Final Post-final SBJ NEG TNS OBJ verb root APPL PFV -a LOC ASP REFL CAUS IPFV -e -ko content STAT -po PASS -mo Minimally, slots 5 and 8 must be filled, as in (53): (53) βʊːk -a (5) (8) leave -FV ‘Leaveǃʼ In commands such as in (53), the subject slot is not filled as it is assumed to be either second singular or plural depending on the context of the utterance. The subject agreement morpheme slot, when filled, matches in noun class with the subject noun. The subject agreement morphemes are shown in table 3.2.1.2. 51 Table 3.2.1.2 Subject agreement Class Agreement Class Agreement 1 n-/ʊ-/a- 10 di- 2 tʊ-/m̩ -/βa- 11 lʊ- 3 βʊ- 12 ka- 4 jɪ- 13 tʊ- 5 lɪ- 14 βʊ- 6 ɡa- 15 kʊ- 7 cɪ- 16 pa- 8 vi- 17 kʊ- 9 jɪ- 18 m̩- (54) shows a negated verb (slot 2) in the Present tense. (54) wa-ta-lɪnɡ-a m̩-ntʊ (1) (2) (5) (8) wa- ta- lɪ ɡ -a m̩ - n 3SG- NEG- look -FV 1- person n tʊ ‘He does not see anyone.ʼ (§7.1: 102) (55) demonstrates a passivized verb (slot 6). (55) n-a-sʊmb-w-a (1) (3) (5) (6) (8) n- a- sʊ b -w -a 1SG- PRES- throw -PASS -FV m ‘I have been thrown out.’ (56) illustrates the habitual TAM (slot 3) along with the reflexive object (4) and applicative and causative extensions7 (slot 6). (56) βa-kʊlʊ-li-dɔv-ɛd-j-a (1) (3) (4) (5) (6) (6) (8) βa- kʊlʊ- li- dɔv -ɛl -j -a SBJ- HAB- REFL- err -APPL -CAUS -FV ‘They often make mistakes.’ 7 The applicative, causative, and other extensions are discussed in §3.2.5. 52 (57) provides a verb including an object (4). (57) a-mǎ-βa-taŋɡaz-ɪd-j-a (1) (3) (4) (5) (6) (6) (8) a- ma- βa- ta gaz -ɪl -j -a 3.SBJ- CONS- OBJ- announce -APPL -CAUS -FV n ‘He then announced to them…’ (58) illustrates a negated (2) verb along with the mainline TAM (3) in the second verb. (58) ʊ-ta-ʃ-a ʊ-mǎ-j-a (1) (2) (5) (8) (1) (3) (5) (8) ʊ- ta- ʃ -a ʊ- ma- j -a 2.SG- NEG- come -FV 2.SBJ- CONS- go -FV ‘You are not coming, you will go.’ Table 3.2.1.3 shows the subject agreement markers in slot (1) of the verb. Table 3.2.1.3 Subject markers Subject Marker Function Example Gloss n- 1st pers. sing. nkʊpɪta ‘I am walking’ ʊ- 2 pers. sing. ʊkʊpɪta ‘you are walking’ a-/w- 3 pers. sing. akʊpɪta/wapɪtá ‘she is walking’/‘she walks’ tʊ- 1 pers. plural tʊkʊpɪta ‘we are walking’ m̩- 2 pers. plural m̩kʊpɪta ‘you (pl.) are walking’ βa- 3 pers. plural βakʊpɪta ‘they are walking’ nd rd st nd rd The primary negative marker (ta-) surfaces in verbal slot (2) as in (59). (59) atakʊpɪta a- ta- kʊ- pɪt -a 3.SG NEG PROG ‘walk’ FV ‘She is not walking.’ The secondary negative marker (si-) expresses negation of the action described by the verb in a mood other than the indicative. (60) and (61) illustrate the secondary negative marker. 53 (60) nsicɪta n- si- cɪt -a 1.SG NEG2 ‘do’ FV ‘I would not able to do (it).’ (61) βasipata βa- si- pat -a 3.PL NEG2 ‘find’ FV ‘They would not find…’ 3.2.2. TAM Nurse (2008: 91) states that Pimbwe has three past tenses and three future tenses. He presents compound verb constructions for each of the past tenses and a simple verb with either a preverbal TAM marker or a TAM affix and an aspectual suffix for the future tenses. In this analysis the TAM affixes are presented in this section while the compound verb construction options are presented in §3.2.3. TAM markers in slot three are presented in table 3.2.2.1. Table 3.2.2.1 TAM markers TAM Function Example Gloss a- present (PRES) wapɪtá ‘she walks‘ kʊ̀- progressive (PROG) akʊpɪta ‘she is walking’ ká- middle past (PST2) akápɪta ‘she walked’ (two days ago) mǎ- (rising tone) consecutive (CONS) amǎpɪta ‘then she will walk’ (in a kʊ̌- (rising tone) middle future (FUT) akʊ̌twadwa ɡa moment) n ‘he will help us’ (later today) lʊ̂- (falling tone) distant future (FUT2) alʊ̂pɪta ‘she will walk’ (distant conditional mood (COND) ɪ ɡalɛta/ɪ dalɛta ‘it would bring’ habitual (HAB) akʊlʊpɪta ‘he usually walksʼ future) ɡa-/ da- n n kʊlʊ- n n The near past (PST1) is not included in this table because it is shown by a compound verb construction and not a single TAM marker. For examples of PST1 see §3.2.3. (62) shows an example of the Present marker (a-) in the second person singular which is signaled by the high tone on the TAM marker. The 2nd and 3rd singular are differentiated by tone (See §2.5.2). 54 (62) wápɪta w- a- pɪt -a 2SG- PRES- ‘walk’ -FV ‘you walk…’ The progressive marker (kʊ-) shows progressive aspect and when used without context is assumed to be the Present tense. This TAM marker can be used alone or paired with other TAM markers, specifically mǎ- and ká-. (63a) n- kʊpɪta n- kʊ- pɪt -a 1SG- PROG- ‘walk’ -FV ‘I am walking…’ The PST2 marker (ká-) expresses middle past tense. When used in isolation, the action is generally understood as happening one or two days in the past. In (64a) the past tense marker (ká-), which is the middle past TAM marker, is paired with the imperfective verbal suffix –ilɛ. (64a) tʊkágʊlɛ tʊ- ká- gʊl -ilɛ 1PL- PST2- ‘buy’ -IPFV ‘We bought...’ In extended text as in (64b), the action results or depends upon a previous activity in some way. (64b) ijolo ndʊpɪʃa ʊkʊja kʊ=Timu ŋkálɪŋɡa ɪ-mi-ziŋɡa i-jolo n-dʊ-pɪʃ-a ʊ-kʊ-j-a kʊ=Timu n-ká-lɪŋɡ-a ɪ-mi-zinɡa 5-one_day 1SG-FUT2-drive-FV AUG-15- 16=Timu 1SG-PST2- AUG-5-bee _removed go search-FV _from_today ‘Tomorrow I will go to Timu, (and) search for bees...ʼ In (65) the CONS marker (mǎ-) communicates that the verb‘s action is the main event in a sequence of events. When used in an isolated utterance, the default time reference is certain, near future tense. 55 (65) wamǎjida wa- ma- jid -a 3SG- CONS- come -FV ‘...then she will come.’ In (66) the middle future marker (kʊ̌ -) can signify the action will take place later in the same day. (66) a-kʊ̌ -βʊːk-a ʊlɔnɔ-njɛnɛ 3SG-FUT-leave-FV now-just ‘He will leave very soon.ʼ (Grammar – Verb Phrase: 58) In (67) the distant future marker (lʊ̂-) signals that the action will happen at some time in the remote future. (67) tʊlʊ̂ vjala tʊ- lʊ- vjal -a 1PL- FUT2- ‘give birth’ -FV ‘We will give birth…’ In (68) the TAM marker (kʊlʊ-) communicates that the action has repetitive or habitual quality. (68) nkʊlʊpɛːla n- kʊlʊ- pɛːl -a 1SG- HAB- ‘worship’ -FV ‘I am always worshiping.’ In (69) the conditional marker (ŋɡa-) signals the actionʼs execution is hypothetical in nature. The conditional marker has two surface forms ŋɡa- and nda- which are in free variation. (69a) dɪ walɪ ʊβɛ ʊmaɲilɛ ɪlɛːlɔ lɪː n n dɪ wa-lɪ ʊ-β-ɛ ʊ-maɲ-ilɛ ɪ-lɛːlɔ lɪː DEP 2SG-CPL 2SG-NCOP-FV 2SG-know-IPFV 5-today 5.DEM1 ‘If you had known this day...’ (69b) ɡanɔ ɡaŋɡalɛta ʊβʊtɛkaːnu, ɡa-nɔ ɡa-nɡa-lɛt-a ʊ-βʊ-tɛkaːnu, 6-REL 6-COND-bring-FV AUG-14-peace ‘…what would bring peace...’ 56 (69a-b) show a dependent clause followed by a relative clause which includes the hypothetical verb. The statement resolves in (69c) starting with a disjunctive morpheme and an imperfectively marked main verb. The two TAM markers show imbrication (see §2.6). (69c) ɛːlɔ ɡafisilwɛ pɑ=minsɔ ɡaːkɔ. ɛːlɔ ɡa-fis-il-wɛ pɑ=m-insɔ ɡ-aːkɔ but 6-hide-IPFV-PASS 16=6-eye 6-PP.2SG ‘…but it is hidden from your eyes.’ (Luke 19ː42) (70) and (71) show two markers in the TAM slot. (70) shows consecutive and progressive aspect. The future time reference is due to the meaning of ma- in an isolated utterance. To this point in the research, only kʊ- has been found to combine with other TAM markers. (70) akʊmapɪta a-kʊ-mǎ-pɪt-a 3SG-PROG-CONS-walk-FV ‘She will be walking…’ (71) illustrates the use of two TAM markers and carries past progressive tense and aspect. (71) akʊkapɪta a-kʊ-ka-pɪt-a 3SG-PROG-PST2-walk-FV ‘She was walking…’ (72) gives the middle future marker along with the perfective verbal suffix. This combination gives future tense and continuing aspect. In the future the perfective suffix signals that the action will be completed. (72) akʊ̌twadwaŋɡa a-kʊ̌-tʊ-adw-anɡ-a 3SG-FUT-OBJ.1.PL-help-PFV-FV ‘She will have helped us.’ Now we turn our attention to aspectual suffixes. There are two in Pimbwe, -ilɛ and –aŋɡ. Both markers appear in the penultimate slot (7), but only –ilɛ subsumes the final vowel slot (8). The –ilɛ morpheme conveys imperfective aspect. It signals the action has already begun and has continuing relevance for the present time. The action may or may not be continuing into the present time, but its influence is felt at the time of the speech act. This differentiates the imperfective aspect from the 57 progressive. When translating into English, I use the progressive to be + VERB-ing in order to convey the imperfective aspect even though the imperfective marker does not specify whether the activity is still ongoing. (73) offers an example. (73) βacinkilɛ βa-cink-ilɛ 3.PL-return-IPFV ‘They are returning…’ Now we move to the second aspectual suffix. Nurse states that –aŋɡ has “straight (middle) past reference” in Pimbwe. He considers this an innovation because its function in the vast majority of Bantu languages is habitual, iterative, or durative (2008: 263). The perfective marker -anɡ refers to the event as a whole and sees it from an external perspective without internal temporal reference. This form can be used for action that was completed in the immediate past which points away from a straight middle past time reference and toward perfective aspect. The final slot is filled by the final vowel -a unless the verb is in the subjunctive mood, then the final vowel surfaces as -ɛ. (74) and (75) illustrate the perfective aspectual suffix. For more information on these aspectual suffixes see §4.5. (74) βalɪcɪtaŋɡa βa-lɪ-cɪt-aŋɡ-a 3.PL-REFL-do-PFV-FV ‘They did it to themselves.’ (75) wajidaŋɡa w-a-id-aŋɡ-a 3SG-PRES-come-PFV-FV ‘He came.ʼ 3.2.3. Compound verb forms Pimbwe frequently uses compound verb forms. The first verb of these sequences relates the tense while the second verb signals the aspect. Table 3.2.3.1 shows the verbs commonly used for the first verb. 58 Table 3.2.3.1 Auxiliary options of compound verb forms TAM Function Example Gloss SBJ + a- + tɪ ́ + V2 near past (PST1) watí akʊpɪta ‘she was walkingʼ (today) SBJ + a- + lɪ ́ + V2 completive past (CPL) walɪ ́ akʊpɪta ‘she was walkingʼ (not anymore) SBJ + a- + βá + V2 narrative (NCOP) waβá ‘and she was walkingʼ akʊpɪta The verb /tɪ ́/ with a high tone is used as the first verb to signal near past time reference. Without the present a- TAM marker it precedes quoted speech (see §4.8).8 The completive form with a high tone /lɪ ́/ is used as the first verb of a compound verb to express actions that happened in the past and are now complete. The narrative auxiliary copula (-βa) also surfaces with a high tone word finally. A natural English translation of this form would be ‘and SBJ was VERBing.ʼ Its discoursal function in the Pear Story running commentaries is to show continuity with previous information. (76) shows the narrator expounding on the action of picking by the use of NCOP. (76a) introduces the action of picking immediately after the CONS marker. Then, (76b-c) mention that the farmer “was picking some of these. Then one falls.” (76a) wa-mǎ-j-a ḿ̩=kʊ-daβ-a a-ma-tunda 3SG-CONS-go-FV 18=15-pick-FV AUG-6-fruit ‘Then goes in order to pick fruit.’ (76b) w-a-βá a-kʊ-daβ-a kʊ́=m̩-tɪ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-harvest-FV 17=3-tree ‘He was picking in tree…ʼ (§7.2ː 5) (76c) ɡa-mwi ɡa lɪ-mwi lɪ-mǎ-w-a 6-one 6.DEM1 5-one 5-CONS-fall-FV ‘…some (of) these. Then one falls…ʼ As previously mentioned, the completive form also surfaces with a high tone word finally. If the second verb is vowel initial, this high tone appears on the subject prefix of the second verb in fast speech because of the Pimbwe tendency for vowel hiatus to result in the first verb assimilating to the second verb (see §2.7). The completive past tense has two main uses, the first locates the activity in the distant past as in (77). 8 An alternative analysis would be that the auxiliary near past tense form –tɪ́ is simply a homophone with no relation to the other, non-high toned –tɪ forms. 59 (77) Kw-a-lɪ́ kʊ-lɪ ʊ-lʊ-sikʊ ʊ-lʊ-mwi ɪn-kɔnkɔ j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-tanɡɪd-ilɛ 17-PRES-CPL 15- AUG-11- AUG-11- 9- 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV LCOP day one chicken ‘There was one day a chicken (that) crowed.ʼ (§7.1:1) The first use in (77) shows that the activity was taking place in the distant past and has now been completed. The second use surfaces in dependent clauses. The second use can be seen in (78a). (78a) wɛ-lɛ ʊ-baba [ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ kʊ=m̩-tɪ]RC 1-DEM2 1a-father 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-LCOP 17=3-tree ‘This father who had been in the tree…ʼ (§7.2ː 109) (78b) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kw-ik-a kʊ́=n-gazi 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-descend 17=9-ladder ‘...begins to descend on the ladder.ʼ (§7.2ː 110) (78) shows the completive aspect use of the completive form. It is located in a relative clause and, for this reason, it does not specify for distant or recent past time reference. The purpose of the RC here is to identify which man is being discussed in the main clause of the utterance. (79) again shows the use of the first verb to signal that the event took place in the past but the situation has now changed. Here the first verb (auxiliary) serves to show completive aspect, while the second verb (locative) serves to locate the subject spatially. Again, the compound verb form is in a dependent clause. Formula: V1 [present TAM + CPL] + V2 (second verb) (79) ʊ-jɔːna [pa-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ m̩-nda [ɪ-ja n swɪ]AC]RC 1-Jonah 16-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3-LCOP 18=belly 9-of 9-fish 'As Jonah was located inside the stomach of the fish…' (80) shows the remote past time reference in the first verb with the aspectual suffix /-ilɛ/ on the second verb which signals imperfective aspect. The following compound verb formula is used to express action with distant past time reference. Formula: V1 [present TAM + CPL] + V2 [imperfective aspectual suffix /-ilɛ/] (80) w-a-lɪ́ w-a-id-ilɛ 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PRES-come-IPFV ‘He came...ʼ (81) shows progressive action in the remote past. 60 Formula: V1 [present TAM + CPL] + V2 [progressive TAM /kʊ-/] (81) cɪla m̩ -ntʊ w-a-lɪ ́ a-kʊ-j-a each 1-person 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-go-FV ‘Each person was going...ʼ (82) shows action in the completive past shown by the first verb. The second verb shows perfective aspect reference. To clarify, the /–aŋɡ/ aspectual suffix here signals that the speaker is viewing the action as a completed whole. This contrasts with the /-ilɛ/ aspectual suffix (80) which portrays the action with imperfective aspect. The second compound verb form shows the completive form followed by the copula. 9 Formula: V1 [present TAM + CPL] + V2 [present TAM /a-/ + perfective aspectual suffix /-aŋɡ/] (82) [ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ ́ w-a-fu-aŋɡ-a]RC w-a-lɪ ́ ʊ=mu-ana 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PRES-die-PFV-FV 3SG-PRES-CPL COP=3-child 'The one who had died was a child...ʼ (Luke 7ː12) The forms of /-tɪ/ have a variety of uses. The uses are as follows: 1) it can signal direct speech, 2) in the infinitive form with an augment, it can be a conjunctive clausal marker (meaning ‘that; in order to’), or 3) it can be a near past time marker in a compound verb form. The form /kʊtɪ/ without the augment is used as an adverb (meaning ‘like; as‘) and also should not be confused with the compound verb form use. (83-5) are examples of the third use of /-tɪ/ (See §4.8). (83) shows the recent past (first verb) time reference, while the second verb shows perfective aspect reference. Formula: [-tɪ ́] + V2 [present TAM /a-/ + perfective aspectual suffix /-a nɡ/] (83) w-a-tɪ w-a-id-anɡ-a ʊ-lɔnɔ-njɛnɛ 3.SG-PRES-PST1 3.SG-PRES-come-PFV-FV AUG-now-only 'He has come just now.’ In (84), (first verb) shows the recent past time reference, while the TAM of the second verb signals the progressive aspect reference. Formula: V1 [/-tɪ ́/ + V2 progressive TAM /kʊ-/] (84) w-a-tɪ́ a-kʊ-tump-a a-ma-kɔndɛ ɪ-lɛːlɔ ʊ-m̩-naːβɔ 3.SG-PRES-PST1 3SG-PROG-pound-FV AUG-5-corn 9-today AUG-3-morning ‘She was pounding corn this morning.’ 9 The default copula that signals present tense non-locative linkage is referred to in this thesis as ‘copula’. 61 (85) shows the compound use of the first verb to signal recent past time reference, while the aspectual suffix –ilɛ of (second verb) signals that the speaker views the action from an internal temporal perspective communicating that the activity has already begun. Formula: V1 [-tɪ ́] + V2 [imperfective aspectual suffix /-ilɛ/] (85) i-m-bʊ dj-a-tɪ ́ di-n-dʊm-ilɛ ʊ-βʊ-siku na pɛ AUG-10-mosquito 10-PRES-PST1 10-1SG-bite-IPFV AUG-14-night CONJ INT ‘The mosquitos were biting me all night.ʼ (86) shows the compound use of V1 [{ká-} + CPL] + V2 [perfective aspectual suffix {-aŋɡ}] to signal the middle past (first verb) time, while the aspectual suffix signals perfective aspect. Formula: V1 [/ká-/ + CPL] + V2 [perfective aspectual suffix /-aŋɡ/] (86) a-ká-lɪ́ w-a-jid-aŋɡ-a i-jɔlɔ 3SG-PST2-CPL 3SG-PRES-come-PFV-FV 5-one_day_removed_from_today ‘She had come yesterday.ʼ 3.2.4. Object marker The object marker occurs in verbal slot (4). The 2PL and 3PL object markers are indistinguishable except through the context of a sentence or discourse. When the 1SG precedes a bilabial plosive, it is distinguishable from the syllabic 3SG object marker as the former is not syllabic while the latter is syllabic. Table 3.2.4.1 Class 01/02 object markers Object Marker Person n- 1st singular kʊ- 2nd singular m̩- 3rd singular tʊ- 1st plural βa- 2nd plural βa- 3rd plural (87) akʊntɪʃa a-kʊ-n-tɪ-ʃ-a 3SG-PROG-OBJ.1SG-‘fire’-CAUS-FV ‘She is firing me.’ 62 (88) akʊkʊnɛːna a-kʊ-kʊ-nɛːn-a 3SG-PROG-OBJ.2SG-tell-FV ‘She is telling you...’ (89) akʊmwɪta a-kʊ-mu-ɪt-a 3SG-PROG-OBJ.3.SG-call-FV ‘She is calling him.’ (90) akʊβakaːna a-kʊ-βa-kaːn-a 3SG-PROG-OBJ.2PL-reject-FV ‘She is rejecting you (pl.).’ (91) akʊβanɛːna a-kʊ-βa-nɛːn-a 3SG-PROG-OBJ.3PL-tell-FV ‘She is telling them.’ The object markers for all 18 noun classes are listed in Table 3.2.4.2. Table 3.2.4.2 Object marker agreement Class Agreement Class Agreement 1 mu- 10 di- 2 βa- 11 lʊ- 3 βʊ- 12 ka- 4 jɪ- 13 tʊ- 5 lɪ- 14 βʊ- 6 ga- 15 kʊ- 7 cɪ- 16 kʊ- 8 vi- 17 pa- 9 jɪ- 18 mu- 3.2.5. Extensions The term extension is used here to refer to a verbal suffix that causes verbal derivation. All names for extensions mentioned in this section come from comparative Bantu language studies (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019: 181-185). Verbal extensions have a wide variety of uses in Pimbwe. The most widely used 63 extensions are the applicative, causative, reversative, stative, and passive. The first three can be used with intransitive and transitive verbs while the latter two can only be used with transitive verbs as they decrease the verb‘s valence by one. The applicative and causative each increase the verb‘s valence by one argument. When both the applicative and causative are added to a single intransitive verb, the verb‘s valence increases by two arguments. (92a) shows –pʊːt ‘passʼ in its intransitive state. (92b) shows the same verb with the applicative and causative extensions. This results in an increase of the verb‘s valence by two. (92a) sɔːka tʊ-lɛk-ɛ ɪ-n-sipʊʃɔ ɪ-pʊːt-ɛ first 1PL-wait-FV AUG-9-holiday 9-pass-FV ‘first let‘s let the holiday pass...ʼ (Mark 14ː2) (92b) wa-mǎ-m̩-pʊs-ɪd-j-a ʊ-βw-ɛsɔ 3SG-CONS-OBJ-pass-APPL-CAUS-FV AUG-14-breath ‘He caused breath to pass through him...ʼ (Genesis 2ː7) (92c) wa-mǎ-du-ul-a ɪ-n-daːtu 3SG-CONS-surface-REV-FV AUG-9-sandal ‘Then he removed his sandal...ʼ (Ruth 4ː8) (92d) mpaka ʊlɔnɔ ɪ-ta-a-maɲ-ik-ɛ kʊ-nɔ j-a-j-ilɛ until now 9-NEG-PRES-know-STAT-IPFV 17-REL 9-PRES-go-IPFV ‘Until now it is not known where it went.ʼ (Ngoma 1.16) (92e) ɪ-vi-ntʊ vi-nɔ vi-fis-il-w-ɛ vi-lʊ̂-βa a-pa-swɛfu AUG-8-thing 8-REL 8-hide-IPFV-PASS-FV 17-FUT2-NCOP AUG-16-clear ‘Things that were hidden will be clear.ʼ (Luke 8.17) The reversive extension (92c) communicates the opposite action of the original verb. This extension does not effect the valence of the verb. Its surface form varies depending on whether it is used with a transitive or intransitive verb (see Table 3.2.5.1 below). The stative extension (92d) signals that the action of the active verb has become a state of being. As mentioned above, both the stative and passive extensions (92e) lower the valence of the verb by one argument by causing the object of the active verb to move to the subject position while the original subject becomes an optional oblique. The most productive verb extensions are as follows: 64 Table 3.2.5.1 Verb extensions Function Morpheme Example Gloss With ext. Gloss reciprocal -an pʊlɪka ‘hearʼ pʊlɪkana ‘agreeʼ causative -ɪʃ, -j/-ʃ pʊlɪka ‘hearʼ pʊlɪkɪʃa ‘listenʼ applicative -ɛl, -ɪl pɪta ‘walkʼ pɪtɪla ‘walk toʼ tʊʊl ‘putʼ tʊʊlɪla ‘put forʼ nʊ k ‘have an odorʼ nʊ kɪlɪla ‘smell goodʼ dwa ‘surfaceʼ dʊːla ‘remove from n reversive -ɔl, -ul, -ʊl n (trans.) the surfaceʼ -ɔ(n)k, - paŋɡata ‘be laid downʼ paŋɡatʊka ‘be raised upʼ ʊ(n)k (intrns.) stative -ɪk, -ɛk maɲa ‘knowʼ maɲɪka ‘be knownʼ passive -w lɛ ɡa ‘createʼ lɛ ɡwa ‘be createdʼ ŋ ŋ The extensions that are present in Pimbwe but are either no longer productive or highly restricted in their productivity are listed in Table 3.2.5.2 (Schadeberg & Bostoen 2019: 181-185). Table 3.2.5.2 Less productive extensions Function Morpheme Example Gloss contactive -at pangata ‘be laid downʼ positional -am njaːma ‘spreadʼ extensive -al njaːla ‘shrivelʼ The extensions in Table 3.2.5.2 have not been found to be productive, but this may be an accidental gap in the data. 3.2.6. Copular constructions There are three copulas in Pimbwe: 1) the copula (COP), in (93), which surfaces as ʊ- on the speech act participant forms (1st, 2nd person), listed in (94-97) below; 2) the locative copula (-lɪ) (LCOP); and 3) the narrative copula (-βa) (NCOP). When the copula subject (CS) is a non-participant (3rd person) the copula is uniformly ʊ- in the present tense. (93) ʊ-m̩-kɔla ʊ=m̩-talɪ AUG-1-3SG.PRO COP=1-tall ‘She is tall.’ 65 The copula appears in the following forms in utterances involving only participants (1 st and 2nd person) (Dixon 2010ː 334, 338). The independent pronouns (listed as the first word in examples 94-97) are not an essential part of the copular construction but they have been included to show the similarity in form between the pronoun and the copula with which it is associated. (94) ʊ-nɛːnɛ (ʊ)nɛ m̩-talɪ 1SG.PRO COP.1SG 1-tall ‘I am tall.’ (95) ʊ-wɛːwɛ (ʊ)wɛ m̩-tali 2SG.PRO COP.2SG 1-tall ‘You are tall.’ (96) ʊ-twɛnsu (ʊ)twɛ m̩-tali 1PL.PRO COP.1PL 1-tall ‘We are tall.’ (97) ʊ-mwɛmu (ʊ)mwɛ m̩-tali 2PL.PRO COP.2PL 1-tall ‘You (PL) are tall.’ The participant copula has an augment that is only sometimes present. Further research is needed to determine in which environments the augment is absent. The non-participant present tense copula (ʊ=) is a clitic which attaches to the copula complement (CC). The CC in a copular clause can function to 1) describe the copula subject (CS) (attribution), 2) show something is equal to the CS (identity), 3) show possession, or 4) show where the CS is located (location). Many Bantu languages have a copula for temporary states and a separate copula for permanent states (Nicolle 2013: 285-306). Some have a third copula to express location. Notice that (98a-c) are temporary states but the copula is still used. Pimbwe is in the minority of Bantu languages in that it has a single copula used for permanent and temporary states that are not locations as well as an additional copula used for locations (Gibson, Guérois, Marten 2019: 213-242). (98a) sajɪ ʊ= m̩ -ɡɔlɔ now COP 3-evening 'Now it is evening.ʼ (Mark 6ː35) (98b) ʊ-m̩ -hala w-aːnɛ ʊ= m̩ -lwilɛ AUG-1-girl 1-PP.1SG COP 1-sick 'The girl is sick.ʼ (Mark 5ː23) 66 (98c) dj-a n -sikʊ? ʊ= n -sɔɡa 10-ASS 10-day COP 10-good 'How are your days? They are good.ʼ (lit: ‘of days? They are good.ʼ) (98a) provides the time of day using the copula. (98b) shows the changeable state of human health communicated with the copula. (98c) is a typical greeting which asks the status of a person‘s well being in recent days. The act of asking the question illustrates the changeability of the daysʼ status. The CC in (99) is an adjective attributing a characteristic to the CS, so the copula is used. (99) Kapalala ʊ= m-ɔnsi Kapalala COP 1-male ‘Kapalala is a man.ʼ (100a) shows the copula phrase signalling possession. This is done by the copula clitic attaching to the associative of the possessing noun. (100a) ɨ-li-nɔ lɪ ʊ=lj-a m -bwa AUG-5-tooth 5.DEM1 COP=5-ASS 9-dog ‘This tooth is the dogʼs.ʼ As in (100a), one formula for possession is ‘[property] + copula=associative + owner’. The other formula is [possessor] SBJ + -lɪ + ni + [property] as in (100b) below. (100b) ni βa-ndɪ β-a-βa β-id-aŋɡ-a, β-a-lɪ ni ɪ-cɪ-pawa CONJ 2- 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-PRES-come-PFV- 3PL-PRES-CPL COM AUG-7- other FV drum ‘...and the others have come, they have a drum.’ (§7.2ː 75) In (101) the CC gives the location of the CS so the locative copula surfaces. The locative copula takes a subject agreement prefix. Here the copula is followed by the proximal demonstrative which is in the grammatical role of CC. (101) Kapalala a-lɪ pa Kapalala 3SG-LCOP 16.DEM1 'Kapalala is here.ʼ 67 Both (102a) and (102b) show the CS as “you.” The CC in (102a) is a proximal demonstrative describing the location of the CS, so the locative copula is present. The CC in (102b) is an adjective describing the CS, so the copula is present. (102a) ʊwɛːwɛ ʊ-lɪ pa PRO.2SG 2SG-LCOP 16.DEM1 'You are here.' (102b) ʊwɛːwɛ ʊ-wɛ m̩ -kʊlʊ PRO.2SG AUG-COP.2SG 1-important ‘You are important.’ The NCOP is /-βa/. It takes a subject marker, TAM marker, and sometimes an aspectual suffix. In (103-5), two copulas surface in the same clause. When it is the first verb in a compound verb construction, it functions as an auxiliary expressing continuation of the mainline information in that particular clause. In each example the first verb shows tense and the second verb acts as the connector describing the relationship between CS and CC. (103) a-lʊ̂-βa ʊ=wikɔlɔ 3SG-FUT2-NCOP COP=important person ‘He will be (an) important person.’ (104) ʊ-lʊ̂ -βa wɛ ka-mɛmɛ 2SG-FUT2-NCOP COP.2SG 12-deaf ‘You will be deaf.’ (Luke 1ː20) (105) a-lʊ̂ -βa a-lɪ ʊ-lʊ-βalɪ lʊ-inu 3SG-FUT2-NCOP 3SG-LCOP AUG-11-side 11-PP.2PL ‘He will be on your side.’ When the NCOP is not functioning grammatically as an auxiliary, it carries the copular role (in either past or future time) of linking two arguments without adding additional verbal meaning. (106a) displays its copular function in the future tense. (106a) shows the NCOP standing alone and linking the CS (whose agreement is encoded in the copula) with the CC that follows. (106b) shows the NCOP preceded by the subject prefix + /a-/ signaling present or recent past time reference. The first copula (ljaβá) in a compound verb provides time reference and the second (ljaβaŋɡa) carries the aspect. 68 (106a) a-kʊ̌-βa haŋɡɛ kʊ=mi-lɪmɔ j-onsɛ ɪ-mi-sɔɡa 3SG-FUT-NCOP ready 17=4-work 4-all AUG-4-good ‘He will be ready for all good works.’ (NT 1 Tim 2ː21) (106b) lj-a-βá lj-a-β-aŋɡ-a ni mi-saŋɡa 5-PRES-NCOP 5-PRES-NCOP-PFV-FV CONJ 4-sand ‘It was sandy. (litː It was with sands.)ʼ (9.1ː18) The negative copula is /asi/. It can stand alone as the negative copula and it can also be used before another non-locative copula to negate it. In (107) the negative copula is followed by an adverb which assumes the grammatical role of CC. (107) mw-an-aː-nɛ asi vi-sɔɡa 1-child-PP.1SG NGCOP 8-good 'My child, it is not good.ʼ (108) illustrates the copula clause where the CS is the 2SG pronoun. It is followed by the negative copula which, in turn, is followed by the 2SG participant copula. The proper noun carries the grammatical role of CC. This double-copula structure surfaces when a participant copula is negated. (108) ʊwɛːwɛ asi ʊwɛ Kapalala PRO.2SG NGCOP COP.2SG Kapalala ‘Are you not Kapalala?ʼ (109) shows the negative copula with a past tense auxiliary preceding it to show past time reference. (109a) [pa-nɔ i-dʊβa lj-a-βal-a,]RC lɪ-ma-kad-j-a i-vu lɪ-lɛ, 16-REL 5-sun 5-PRES-rise-FV 5-CONS-dry-CAUS-FV 5-soil 5-DEM2 ‘When the sun rose, then it dried that soil...ʼ (109b) na-βɔ ʊ-m̩ -njɛvwɛ βʊ-mǎ-njal-a ni kʊ-kal-a CONJ-3 AUG-3-plant 3-CONS-wither-FV CONJ 15-dry-FV ‘...and also the plant withered and dried...ʼ (109c) [vi-nɔ ɪ-mi-sisi j-a-lɪ́ asi mi-talɪ ʊ-kʊ-j-a pá=n-sɪ]RC 8-REL AUG-4- 4-PRES-CPL NGCOP 4-long AUG-15-go- 16=9- FV ground root ‘...because the roots were not long (enough) going into the ground.ʼ (NT Mark 4:6) 69 As mentioned previously, when the copula complement (CC) is a location /lɪ/ is the copula used. The locative copula takes a subject prefix. The use of the previously mentioned locative copula in Pimbwe is used to signal location and should not be confused with the completive auxiliary (See §3.2.3). (110) and (111) show the locative use. (110) ʊ-lɪ kʊ́=kaːda 2SG-LCOP 17=home ‘You are at home.’ (111) βa-lɪ mw=i-swa 3PL-LCOP 18=5-bush ‘They are in the bush (country).’ The completive form of the copula takes the present TAM marker /a-/ and has a high tone on the ultimate syllable /lɪ ́/ signifying the completive form. This form surfaces in a compound verb form and signals completion of the activity mentioned. This form only appears on its own and not as a TAM marker in other verbs. This is distinguished from the LCOP in that the latter does not have a high tone nor can it appear with the PRES TAM marker. The completive form has two related functions which differ only with respect to the specificity of their time reference. In a dependent clause it can refer either to the distant or recent past. In an independent clause it signals only distant past time. (112-3) show the completive use in compound verb forms. The completive form in (112) and (113) occurs in independent clauses, so their function is distant past time reference. (112) W-a-lɪ́ ʊ=mw-ɛnɛ 3SG-PRES-CPL COP=1-king ‘He was king.’ (113) kw-a-lɪ́ kʊ-lɪ ʊ-m̩ -ntʊ ʊ-m̩ -mwi 16-PRES-CPL 16-LCOP AUG-1-person AUG-1-one ‘There was one person…’ The completive marker in (114b) is in a dependent (relative) clause, so its function is completive aspect and does not specify for recent or distant past time reference. 70 (114a) wa-mǐ-iːm-ilɪl-a a-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-li-kʊɱkʊml-a ɪ-mi-saŋɡa 3SG-CONS-stand-APPL-FV 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG- REFL-brush_off- AUG-4- FV sand ‘Then he stands and starts brushing sand off himself…’ (114b) [m̩-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ wa-mǐ-iːnam-a ma-ɡɔti]RC 18-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-CONS-bend_over-FV 6-knee ‘…in which he had knelt.’ Now we turn our attention to constituent order within a clause. 3.3. Clause structure This section discusses constituent order within a clause. Three subsections also consider complement clause, relative clause, and adverbial clause structure. Although word order can vary, the canonical constituent order in Pimbwe is SVO in transitive clauses and SV in intransitive clauses (Downing & Marten 2019: 270-1). First, we will look at intransitives. The order for these clauses is SV in (115) and (116). (115) ʊ-baːba a-mǎ-zʊmal-a AUG-dad 3SG-CONS-die-FV S V ‘Then dad died.ʼ (Maisha ya nyumbani: 4.10) (116) ɪ-ŋ-kɔkɔ j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-βɪlɪk-ilɛ AUG-9-chicken 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV S V ‘The chicken crowed.’ (§7.2ː 1) VS is also a possibility. If the subject NP is present after the verb, it often introduces the subject in a thetic sentence as in (117-19). 10 (117) and (118) illustrate the verb ʊkʊfumɪla ‘to appearʼ which many times introduces new characters in thetic sentences. It is common to introduce new characters into the discourse in Pimbwe by placing them at the end of the sentence (Nicolle 2016ː 377). 10 A thetic sentence is one in which there is no established topic (Nicolle 2016ː 381). 71 (117) najɪ wa-mǎ-fum-ɪl-a ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ ʊ-m̩ -mwi time 3SG-CONS-appear-APPL-FV AUG-1-young_man AUG-1-one V S ‘And now one young man appears.ʼ (§7.1ː 36) (118) najɪ βa-mǎ-fum-ɪl-a a-βa-lumɛndɔ time 3PL-CONS-leave-APPL-FV AUG-2-young V S βa-tatu man 2-person ‘And now three young men appear.ʼ (§7.1ː 68) In (119) the S follows the V in order to place the focus on the action of standing up. (119) wa-mǎ-βʊːk-a wɛdɔ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 3SG-CONS-stand_up-FV 1.DEM3 AUG-1-young V man ni basikɛli CONJ bicycle S ‘Then that young man stands up with the bicycle.’ (§7.1ː 76) Next, we will look at transitive clauses. The clause in (120) demonstrates SVO word order. (120) a-βa-ntʊ βa-a-taɡ-a a-ma-kɔndɛ AUG-2-person 3PL-PRES-plant-FV AUG-6-corn S V O ‘People plant corn.’ A significant number of clauses surface as VO without an explicit subject NP because the subject agreement is already encoded in the verb. (121) and (122) show VO order in the predicate. (121) najɪ wa-mǎ-tɪ-ʃ-a ɪ-sɔkisi time 3SG-CONS-remove-CAUS-FV 9-sock V O ‘And now he removes (his) socks.ʼ (§7.1ː67) (122) βa-a-dan-ilɛ wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ w-a-vulaːl-ɪk-anɡ-a 3PL-PRES-meet-IPFV 1-DEM2 AUG-1-young 3SG-PRES-injure-STAT-PFV-FV V man O ‘They meet that young man that is injured.ʼ (§7.1ː 69) 72 (123) shows VS order as the object is understood from the context. It is worth noting the subject follows a pause in the speech showing that the subject marker on the verb is the core argument. (123) a-mǎ-sɔl-a wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lʊmɛndɔ 3SG-CONS-retrieve-FV 1-DEM2 AUG-1-boy V S ‘That boy retrieves (the hat).’ (§7.2ː 98) OSV order is also possible as in (124). In this case, O is the topic. (124) a-βa-ntʊ β-ɔnsɛ i-ŋ-ɡɔfi dj-a-βa-lɛm-a AUG-2-person 2-all AUG-10-fear 10-PRES-OBJ.2-seize-FV S V O ‘Fear seized all the people.ʼ (Luke 7ː16) The verbal modifiers follow the verb as in the utterance in (125). The auxiliary verb precedes the infinitive while the adverb modifies the whole verb phrase. (125) a-kʊlʊ ʊ-kʊ-fum-j-a tʊpʊ ma-tunda 3SG-continue AUG-15-remove-CAUS-FV only 6-fruit ‘He just continued to remove fruit.’ (7.2ː13) In (126) we see the object followed by the locative which specifies where the sand was being wiped off from the person‘s body. The reflexive marker signals that the action was being done to himself. (126) a-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-li-kuŋunt-a ɪ-mi-saŋɡa m̩=ma-kɔkɔla 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-wipe-FV AUG-4-sand 18=6-knee ‘Then he begins to wipe the sand off his knees…’ (7.1ː23) In (127) the ndɪ contemporary preverbal marker creates a dependent clause which shows a DEM3 clause-finally, which is functioning grammatically as an adverb. The NCOP surfaces with the middle future TAM marker in the independent clause followed by V2 and the verb‘s object phrase-finally. (127) n dɪ w-a-cɪt-á vivjɔ a-kʊ̌ː-βa a-lɛpw-ilɛ mw-ɛnda DEP 3SG-PRES-do-FV 8.DEM3 3SG-FUT-NCOP 3SG-tear-IPFV 3-shirt ‘If he does it that way he will tear the shirt.ʼ (Luke 5ː36) 73 3.3.1. Complement clause The following subsection illustrates three forms of the complement clause (CoCl) in Pimbwe, one finite form and two non-finite forms. I follow Nicolle (2013: 269) in treating the infinitive and subjunctive as non-finite forms. The common complementizer is ʊkʊtɪ. It links the two verbs in a finite CoCl not dissimilar to the Cuwabo language (P34) (Guérois 2019ː 770). Table 3.3.1.1 gives a list of common non-finite and finite complement-taking verbs. Table 3.3.1.1 Complement-taking verbs Verb Gloss Compl. type -vʊ want non-finite -njɔmwa love/desire non-finite -lunvila require non-finite -fwaɪla appropriate non-finite -ja go/begin finite -maɲa know finite -nɛːna tell finite 11 The two non-finite CoCl examples below are the infinitive and the subjunctive forms. (125-6) above and (128) show infinitive CoCls. V2 in an infinitive CoCl begins with the NC 15 (ʊ)kʊ- agreement. This is the class agreement that marks a verb‘s infinitive form. (128) ɪ-m-budi j-a-vu [ʊ-kʊ-lj-a a-matu da]CoCl wa-mǎ-jɪ-kwɛs-a n AUG-9- 9-PRES-want goat AUG-15-eat- AUG-6-fruit 3SG-CONS-OBJ.9-pull-FV FV ‘The goat wants to eat fruit, then he pulls it.ʼ (7.2ː 29) (129) provides an example of a subjunctive complement. V2 in a subjunctive complement contains an ɛ as the final vowel. (129) ʊ-kʊ-njɔmw-a [n-cɪt-ɪl-ɛ 2SG-PROG-desire-FV 1SG-do-APPL-FV ci]CoCl INT ‘What would you like me to do for you?ʼ (Luke 18ː41) (130) illustrates a finite CoCl where the COMP connects V1 and V2. 11 See example §4.5.2 (149) for –ja as a complement-taking verb 74 (130) m-maɲ-ilɛ [ʊkʊtɪ 1SG-know-IPFV COMP ʊ-ŋɡa-m-pɔd-j-a]CoCl 2SG-COND-OBJ-heal-CAUS-FV ni kʊ-n-fʊpʊlʊk-a CONJ 15-OBJ-be_clean-FV 'I know that you can heal me and I will be clean.' (Mark 1:40) 3.3.2. Relative clause The relative clause in Pimbwe is signalled by a relative concord which has the following parts [noun class prefix (set two) + -nɔ]. The relative concord takes the second set of noun class agreement markers (See §3.1.1). The following table displays the possible noun class prefixes and the kinds of relative clauses they signal. Table 3.3.2.1 Relative marker Class Prefix Class No. Surface form Rel. Clause Type Gloss ʊ- 1 ʊnɔ person who; whom βa- 2 βanɔ people who; whom βʊ- 3 βʊnɔ matter which jɪ- 4 jɪnɔ matter which lɪ- 5 lɪnɔ matter which ɡa- 6 ɡanɔ matter which cɪ- 7 cɪnɔ matter which vi- 8 vinɔ manner/matter how/which jɪ- 9 jɪnɔ matter which di- 10 dinɔ matter which lʊ- 11 lʊnɔ matter which ka- 12 kanɔ person/matter who/whom/which tʊ- 13 tʊnɔ people/matter who/whom/which βʊ- 14 βʊnɔ matter which pa- 16 panɔ time when kʊ- 17 kʊnɔ location where m̩ - 18 m̩ nɔ location in which, in whom The relative concords with the widest semantic range are classes 8 (vinɔ) and 16 (panɔ). panɔ can be used as a connective meaning ‘whileʼ with similar clause construction to the Ngazidja language (G44A) (Patin, Mohamed-Soyir & Kisseberth 2019ː 611). (131a) shows a relative clause using the class 1 relative concord in Pimbwe. The common argument is the subject of the RC matching the word order of Simbiti (JE431) (Aunio, Robinson, Roth, Stegen & Walker 2019ː 527). 75 (131a) ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ AUG-1-young man [ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɛk-ilɛ ɪŋ-kɔfila]RC 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-leave-IPFV 9-hat ‘The young man who left the hat…’ (§7.1: 84) (131b) shows a RC where the common argument is the object of the verb. (131b) w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ ni n- tantɪlɔ 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-LCOP COM 9-ladder ‘He had a ladder...’ (131c) [ku-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ w-a-pand-aŋɡ-a]RC 17-PRES 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PRES-ascend-PFV-FV ‘...where he had climbed.’ In (132) the CC of the copula clause of identification becomes the location of the action in the RC. (132) shows a relative clause using the class 17 relative concord which expresses location. (132) w-a-βá a-lɪ kʊ=m̩-tɪ [kʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kʊ-daβ-a ma-tunda]RC 3SG-PRES- 3SG-LCOP 17=3-tree 17-REL 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PROG- 6-fruit CPL pick-FV NCOP ‘He is located in the tree where he was picking fruit.’ (§7.1: 31) 3.3.3. Adverbial clause The adverbial clause is signalled by the adverb kʊtɪ. (133a) nɛ-wɛ ʊ-m-ɔːdɔ βʊ-lʊ̂-kʊ-βaβ-a [kʊtɪ ʊ-tif-il-w-ɛ ni lʊ-paŋɡa]AdvC CONJ- AUG-3- 3-FUT2-OBJ.2SG- ADV.like 2SG-cut-IPFV- CONJ 11-knife PRO.2SG heart hurt-FV PASS-FV ‘Your heart also will hurt like you were cut with a knife.ʼ (Luke 2:35) In (133a) nɛwɛ ‘and youʾ (not to be confused with nawɛ ‘and him/herʼ) clarifies to whom the heart belongs. The adverb kʊtɪ ‘likeʼ separates the verb in the main clause from the verb in the adverbial clause. (133b) na-βɔ βa-ma-chɪt-a [kʊtɪ [vi-nɔ w-a-lɪ a-βa-neen-ile]RC]AdvC CONJ-3PL 3PL-CONS-do-FV ADV.like 8-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-OBJ.3PL-tell-IPFV ‘They also did as he had told them...ʼ (Luke 9:15) 76 (133b) shows the adverb preceding the relative marker vinɔ ‘how’ which functions to imbed a relative clause of manner inside the the adverbial clause. 4. Implications in extended text In this chapter two Pear Story running commentaries are used as extended texts. Because Pimbwe is a verb dominant language, this chapter will focus on the verb phrase. I use the phonological and grammatical information presented in chapters two and three in order to further communicate the organization of the grammatical information as it is presented by the narrators. For the purposes of this chapter, I refer to two levels of activity in the commentaries (following Longacre 1986ː 61). Level one activity is action signalled by a verb that is deemed of primary importance for the narrator and presented by the consecutive marker. This first level acts to move the commentary forward by adding new development to the story. Level two activity is action signalled by the verb that does not move the commentary forward in time. This supplementary information is often backgrounded and/or expresses further elaboration. The following patterns can be seen in both commentaries. The commentaries begin with the CPL copula in a compound verb form to set the scene and introduce the characters. When a level one action takes place after the introduction of the setting and initial action, it is marked with the CONS marker mǎ-. As the commentary continues, level two action is marked by the present marker either standing alone or in the first verb of a compound verb in combination with another TAM marker or aspectual suffix in the second verb. The NCOP is commonly used as the first verb of a compound verb to show connection with the immediately preceeding information. The new information that was introduced by the consecutive marker is now presented in the present which is communicated by the PRES marker. It gives the details of a previously mentioned level one activity and details the process of the action introduced by CONS. In the following sections we work through these scenarios one at a time as they appear in the Pear Story commentaries. Figure 4.1 offers a visual representation (from the perspective of the hearer) of the previously mentioned TAM functions. CPL in independent clause a-lɪ ́ + V2 TIME Past PRES-(NCOP) a-(βá) CONS mǎ- Present 77 Figure 4.1 TAM effects on time The order of TAM use is 1) the completive compound verb used in an independent clause takes the hearer from the present into the remote past time of the videoʼs activities. It is used to set the stage, introduce characters and objects of importance. In a dependent clause it signals the completion of the action and functions to background that action. 2) the consecutive marker introduces new, dynamic activity to the hearer, moving the mainline information forward. 3) the present marker follows the introduction of new information in order to return to this information and combines with various TAM markers to give more context to the situation. Let us begin by presenting evidence for the completive compound verb as it transports the listener into remote past time. 4.1. Time reference The initial means of communicating time reference in extended text is through the use of the copula in a compound verb form. An utterance will use the compound verb to set the background for the following event while introducing the setting and characters one by one. As mentioned in §3.2.3, the auxiliary conveys the time reference while the second verb gives the aspect. For the commentary examples, the time of the video is set in the distant past. Moving forward, the tense finds its reference point based on this distant past orientation and moves by the presentation of consecutive activity as we see in §4.2. (134-5) offer evidence that the SBJ-a-lɪ́ + V2 shows distant past time in an independent clause. The first commentary begins as follows. (134a) Kw-a-lɪ́ kʊ-lɪ ʊ-lʊ-sikʊ ʊ-lʊ-mwi ɪn-kɔnkɔ j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-tanɡɪd-ilɛ 17-PRES-CPL 15- AUG-11- AUG-11- 9- 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV LCOP day one chicken 'There was one day a chicken (that) was crowing.ʼ (§7.1ː 1) (134b) j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-tanɡɪd-ilɛ mala m- bili 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV time 9-two ‘It was crowing a second time.ʼ (§7.1ː 2) (135a) kw-a-lɪ́ ku-lɪ ʊ-wikɔlɔ ʊ-m̩ -mwi 17-PRES-CPL 15-LCOP 1a-elder AUG-1-one 'there was one elder person...ʼ (§7.1ː 3) 78 (135b) w-a-lɪ́ a-taɡ-ilɛ mi-tɪ ɪ-j-a ma-tunda 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-climb-IPFV 4-tree AUG-6-ASS 6-fruit 'he was climbing fruit trees.' (§7.1ː 4) The scene is set in the distant past in (134a), in (135a) the character is introduced which is also set in the distant past, the character’s previous climbing of the tree is introduced in (135b) which is again set in the far past. The second narrator also sets the scene with the use of the distant past auxiliary copula. (136) uses this tense. (136a) ɪ-ŋ-kɔkɔ j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-βɪlɪk-ilɛ AUG-9-chicken 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV ‘The chicken was crowing.’ (136b) j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-βɪlɪk-ilɛ ʊ-lw-a βʊ-βɪlɪ. 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV AUG-11-ASS 14-two ‘He was crowing a second time.ʼ (§7.2:1-2) From this point, the commentaries move forward in time by the use of the consecutive marker mǎ- which is discussed in §4.2. 4.2. Consecutive event marker Before continuing with the Pear Story commentaries, an explanation of the consecutive marker mǎ- will aid the readerʼs understanding. The consecutive marker is used frequently in the commentaries in focus. In an extended utterance the marker mǎ- communicates consecutive activity (CONS). As mentioned in 3.2.2, if it is used in isolation, its default meaning is certain, near future time due to its consecutive reference. Because of its consecutive meaning mǎ- is used in extended text to signify the level one verbal action that moves the commentary to a new sequence of dynamic activity thus the CONS label (§7.1:20). In (137) the first clause is independent and introduces new information. After introducing the kerchief that is around the gardenerʼs neck in a previous clause, the narrator introduces the new action of untieing the kerchief using mǎ-. The next clause gives the details of what the gardener is doing with the kerchief after he unties it. This introduction of new verbal action is also accompanied by mǎ-. 79 (137) wa-mǎ-fuŋɡʊ-a ɪ-cɪ-tambala ḿ̩=siŋɡɔ wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-pjɪl-a ɪ-misaŋɡa 3SG-CONS-tie- AUG-7- FV kerchief 18=neck 3SG-CONS-begin- AUG-15- AUG-4- FV wipe-FV sand 'Then he ties the kerchief around his neck, then he begins to wipe away the sand.' (7.1ː20) Now we return to the order of the commentaries. (138) immediately follows the CPL introduction statements. (138a) ɡa-kʊ-kɔm-a a-ma-tunda a-mǎ-j-a ḿ̩=kʊ-daβ-a a-ma-tunda 6-PROG-mature-FV AUG-6-fruit 3SG-CONS-go-FV 18=15-pick-FV AUG-6-fruit ‘The fruit is ripening, then he goes (in order) to harvest fruit.ʼ (§7.1ː 5) (138b) w-a-βá a-kʊ-daβ-a a-kʊ-βɪk-a ḿ̩=m-fukɔ 3SG-PRES.NCOP 3SG-PROG-pick-FV 3SG-PROG-put-FV 18=3-pocket ‘He was harvesting and putting in a pocket,ʼ (§7.1ː 6) (138c) ɡa-mwi ɡ-a-βá ɡa-kʊ-w-a pá=n-sɪ 6-one 6-PRES-NCOP 6-PROG-fall-FV 16=9-ground ‘...some were falling on the ground.ʼ (§7.1ː 7) (138a) contains new information. The man begins dynamic movement signalled by CONS which is then followed by an adverbial clause of purpose giving the reason for his new movement. (138b) refers back to the previously mentioned new information using PRES accompanied by NCOP. In order to better understand the PROG aspect of kʊ- and its functions in (138a) and (138c), we now turn our attention to the ways progressive aspect is employed in Pimbwe. 4.3. Progressive marker kʊIn the previous set of examples, the initial clause of (138a) is independent. The kʊ- marker is used by the narrator to communicate the progressive nature of the ripening (‘the fruit is ripeningʼ) as a backdrop and motivation for the level one activity of ‘goingʼ. The level one activity is followed by a dependent purposive clause to tell the hearer the reason for the farmer‘s going. In (138b), the compound verb form using the NCOP as V1 gives more details of the farmer‘s activities which were previously summarized by the ‘going in order to pickʼ. Here the narrative copula serves to continue explaining the process of the activity that was previously introduced by the CONS marker. In this way, the present marker gives the action in the immediate past (which was presented by the consecutive mǎ- when first mentioned) as it is moving toward the present. (138c) again illustrates the use 80 of NCOP in V1 plus the PROG marker in V2 (‘some were falling to the groundʼ). The immediate past and its progressive aspect are both shown in the free English gloss. In (138) we see the PROG marker standing alone in an independent clause and also used in a compound verb after NCOP, both in independent clauses. In (139) the progressive marker is used in the sentence-final relative clause ‘in which he had been picking (and) puttingʼ. Here it surfaces as V2 of a CPL compound verb form which is in a dependent clause. The completive copula in a dependent clause conveys completed action. The two progressively marked verbs surface together showing the narrator sees them as a single activity containing two parts. (139a) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-fum-j-a ma-tunda ḿ̩=m̩-fukɔ 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG-remove-CAUS-FV 6-fruit 18=3-pocket ‘Then he began removing fruit from inside the pocket.’ (§7.1:10) (139b) m̩-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kʊ-daβ-a a-kʊ-βik-a 18=REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-pick-FV 3SG-PROG-put-FV ‘...in which he had been picking (and) putting (it).’ (§7.1:11) While the progressive marker is present in both independent and dependent clauses, the preverbal word / dɪ/ signals a dependent clause. We now turn our attention to the dependent clause marker. n 4.4. Dependent clause marker ndɪ The preverbal word /ndɪ/ functions to background the action in the dependent clause relative to the action in the independent clause. For the following examples we turn to the second commentary. In (140) the ‘lifting’ is conveyed by the narrator as a backgrounded detail which is part of the subsequently mentioned ‘putting’ action. The ‘putting’ is communicated as the level one information in the first clause. Although the two verbs differ in their TAM markers, they are portrayed as two parts of the same activity. The dependent marker functions to create a dependent clause which supports the following independent clause. The two verbs function as level two and level one activity, respectively. (140) ndɪ a-kʊ-βʊːʃ-a wa-mǎ-jɪ-βɪk-a vi-sɔɡa wa-mǐ-inɪl-a DEP 3SG-PROG-lift-FV 3SG-CONS-OBJ.9-put- 8-well 3SG-CONS-mount- FV FV ‘As he is lifting he places it well, then he mounts.’ (§7.2:55) In (141b) both verbs present level two information using the PROG marker, but the dependent marker is necessary to set off the dependent clause sentence-initially and background the information contained therein. The ‘descending’ has already been mentioned in the previous utterance and the ‘looking 81 for’ is not deemed a dynamic action in this instance. The class 18 locative clitic attached to ‘basket’ conveys the object of the previous action ‘looking for’. (141a) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kw-ik-a kʊ́=ŋ-gazi 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-descend 17=9-ladder ‘Then he begins to descend on the ladder.’ (§7.2:110) (141b) n dɪ a-kw-ik-a a-kʊ-lɪŊɡ-a ḿ̩=cɪ-kapɔ DEP 3SG-PROG-descend-FV 3SG-PROG-look_for-FV 18=7-basket ‘As he is descending he is looking for the basket.’ (§7.2:111) After having looked at the progressive marker and dependent marker, we turn our attention to the aspectual suffixes. 4.5. Aspectual suffixes The perfective suffix –aŋɡ and the imperfective suffix -ilɛ represent two contrasting ways of perceiving the internal make up of an activity. The PFV suffix (–aŋɡ) conveys the event from an external perspective seeing it as a single whole without regard for its internal temporal make up. On the contrary, the IPFV suffix (-ilɛ) focuses on the activity’s internal temporal make up. It specifically draws the hearer’s attention to the fact that the action has already begun. First, let us observe the narrators’ use of the perfective suffix. 4.5.1. Perfective suffix –aŋɡ Because THE PFV –aŋɡ describes the event as a unified whole without respect to internal time reference, it is commonly used as a flashback device. The example below illustrates this common use. (142a) w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ ni n -tantɪlɔ 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-LCOP COM 9-ladder ‘He had a ladder.ʼ (§7.1ː 8) (142b) ku- w-a-lɪ́ w-a-pand-anɡ-a a-mi-ǐk-a ʊ-kʊ-fum-a kʊ́=n-tantɪlɔ 17- 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PRES- 3SG-CONS- AUG-15- 17=9-ladder REL CPL ascend-PFV-FV descend-FV originate-FV nɔ ‘Where he had climbed, he (now) descends from the ladder...ʼ (§7.1ː 9) In the example above, the ladder is introduced via the CPL copula which is showing distant past time as it is introducing a new element to the story, namely the ladder. This is followed by a RC which notifies the hearer of where the harvester had previously been located. This is signalled by the V1 82 completive past use of CPL (in a dependent clause) followed by the present TAM and perfectively suffixed V2. The flashback places the man high in the tree as a result of his previous climbing. What follows the RC is the level one reversal of this activity. The farmer uses the ladder (just previously introduced to the scene with CPL in an independent clause) as the means of descent. The descent is then mentioned using CONS to continue the dynamic action. (143a) nɪ wɛ-lɛ w-a-βá a-kʊ-ɛndɛl-iɛ CONJ 1-DEM2 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-continue-FV '...and that one has been continuing.' (143b) ni w-a-pand-aŋɡ-a kʊ́=m̩-tɪ CONJ 3SG-PRES-climb-PFV-FV 17=3-tree 'And he has climbed into the tree.ʼ (§7.2: 34, 35) Again, in (143a) the second narrator reiterates the harvester’s current activity using the first verb NCOP followed by the second verb marked with the progressive TAM. She then mentions how the harvester arrived at his current location by referring back to the harvester’s previous climbing into the tree which is signalled by the present (a-) followed by PFV suffix. Going back to the first commentary, (144) –aŋɡ surfaces with the NCOP in a compound verb where both the first verb and second verb are NCOP. (144a) lɪ-mwi lɪ-mǎ-w-a pɑ́=n-sɪ 5-one 5-CONS-fall-FV 16=9-ground 'Then one falls to the ground.' (144b) lɪ-kʊ-w-a pá=n-sɪ wa-mǐ-inama ḿ̩=kʊ-lɪ-sɔl-a 5-PROG-fall-FV 16=9-ground 3SG-CONS-bend over-FV 18=15-REFL-get-FV 'It is falling to the ground, he then bends down in order to retrieve it.ʼ (144c) lj-a-βá lj-a-β-aŋɡ-a ni mi-saŋɡa 5-PRES-NCOP 5-PRES-NCOP-PFV-FV COM 4-sand 'It was sandy.ʼ (§7.1: 16-18) In (144) the gardener is picking fruit and then one falls to the ground. After it falls to the ground, he bends down to retrieve it. The narrator then presents the state of the fruit after it falls into the sand using PRES in the first and second verb, “It was sandy.ˮ The NCOP (as opposed to CPL) is used as the first verb to show the sand is still on the piece of fruit. (145b-c) has two instances of the PFV suffix in the second verb both preceded by the first verb NCOP and both accompanied by PRES in each verb. 83 (145a) ni kʊ w-a-βá a-kʊ-suntaɡ-ɪl-a i-lj-ʊlʊ [ɪ-lj-a CONJ 17.DEM1 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-stare- AUG-5- AUG-5- APPL-FV leg ASS kʊ́=ʃɔtɔ]AC 17=left ‘And here he was favoring his left leg.ʼ (145b) w-a-βá w-a-vulaːl-ɪk-aŋɡ-a pa-lɛ [pa-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PRES-injure- 16- 16-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL NCOP STAT-PFV-FV DEM2 a-w-ilɛ]RC 3SG-fallIPFV ‘He has been injured there when he had fallen.ʼ (145c) fwandi w-a-βá w-a-lɛk-aŋɡ-a ni ŋ- kɔfila well 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PRES-leave-PFV- CONJ 9-hat NCOP FV paːpɔ-nɛ pá=n-si 16.DEM3- 16=9- DIM ground ‘Well, he had also left the hat right there on the ground.ʼ (145d) βa-lɛ βa-tatu β-a-mǎ-ɪ-liŋɡ-a ɪŋ-kɔfila 2-DEM2 2-three 3PL-PRES-CONS-OBJ-look_for-FV 9-hat ‘Those three then look for the hat.ʼ (§7.1ː 77-80) (145a) shows the NCOP followed by the PROG. The next comment gives the reason for his limping which is given with the NCOP in the first verb and the present TAM marker along with the present and PFV suffix in the second verb. This is our second example of the PFV in a main clause, the first being (144c). The result of these instances is again to create a new state. The boy is now in the state of being injured. This main clause is followed by a RC with a compound verb where the first verb is CPL and the second verb contains the IPFV suffix which we discuss in the next section. The second half of this example (145c) shows another use of the PFV suffix. Again, we have a compound verb with NCOP as the first verb. The second verb surfaces with PRES and the PFV suffix in a main clause. And, as in the first half of this example (145b), the PFV creates a new state. The hat is now in a state of being lost. 4.5.2. Imperfective suffix –ilɛ The second aspectual suffix –ilɛ carries generally imperfective aspect although at times it combines with stative verbs to convey perfective aspect. When it is translated into Swahili, Pimbwe speakers readily translate the stand alone verb with an IPFV suffix into the present, progressive tense/aspect or the perfective aspect depending on the characteristics of the individual verb and the contextual environment. Sometimes the best translation of IPFV is ‘has started VERBing’ and other times it is ‘has VERBed’. 84 We now refer back to (145b), repeated below, to continue the discussion of IPFV. We find this instance in a RC. The function of the CPL is completive but not distant past, while the imperfective shows the activity has already begun. Together, this compound verb communicates that the action of falling was already complete. It also views the falling from an internal perspective which is further validated by the NC 16 relative marker (panɔ) meaning ‘when/whileʼ that precedes the compound verb. The process of falling is in view here. Had the NC 17 relative marker (kʊnɔ) been used, we would have translated ‘where’ and the place of falling would have been in view and the internal temporal reference would not have been as apparent. But as it is, the class 16 relative marker validates our imperfective understanding awilɛ. (145b) w-a-βá w-a-vulaːl-ɪk-aŋɡ-a pa-lɛ [pa-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PRES-injure- 16-DEM2 16-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL NCOP STAT-PFV-FV a-w-ilɛ]RC 3SG-fall-IPFV ‘He has been injured there when he had fallen.ʼ (146) displays three uses of IPFV. The first two times are preceded by the NCOP and the third time it is preceded by CPL. Each instance below shows the IPFV to be communicating a process that has begun. The first two examples show greater continuity with the narrator’s present perspective because of the first verb use of NCOP. The third instance is preceded by CPL which signals separation from, but not completion of, the activity in the eyes of the narrator since the hat is returned to the boy in (146c). The second verb represents the action of leaving which had already begun at this point in the story, thus the gloss “had left”. (146a) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ m 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV until ‘He was going, he was going until near…ʼ (146b) m̩-lumɛndɔ [ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɛk-ilɛ ɪŋ-kɔfila]RC 1-young man 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-leave-IPFV 9-hat ‘...the young man who had left the hat.ʼ (146c) wa-mǎ-m̩-p-a ɪŋ-kɔfila a-kʊ-m̩-p-a ɪŋ-kɔfila 3SG-CONS-OBJ-give-FV 9-hat 3SG-PROG-OBJ-give-FV 9-hat ‘Then he gives him the hat. He is giving him the hat...ʼ (146d) wa-mǎ-jɪ-dwal-a kʊ́=m̩-twɛ 3SG-CONS-OBJ-wear-FV 17=3-head ‘...then he wears it on (his) head.ʼ (§7.1ː 83-86) paka pá= 16= 85 The previous three IPFV examples all surface in a compound verb form. (147) illustrates how IPFV functions without a preceding auxiliary. The verb ʊkʊʒa ‘to be full’ has a stative quality which contributes to the meaning of the example in view. In this case the suffix again contributes perfective aspect resulting in a rendering of ‘has been filled’. (147) wa-mǎ-βʊːʃ-a ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ [cɪ-nɔ cɪ-z-ilɛ a-ma-tunda ɡa-lɛ]RC 3SG-CONS-lift-FV AUG-7-basket 7-REL 7-full-IPFV AUG-6-fruit 6-DEM2 ‘Then he lifts the basket which has been filled with those fruit.’ (§7.2ː 52) (148) gives the imperfective marker along with the negative, followed by another verb with the imperfective marker. The verb ʊkʊfwa ‘dieʼ also possesses a stative quality. The –ilɛ here, as in (147) conveys prefective aspect. (148) ʊ-m̩-hala ala-wɛ a-ta-fw-ilɛ, a-lad-ilɛ ʊtʊlɔ AUG-1-girl DEM4-1 3SG-NEG-die-IPFV 3SG-lie-IPFV sleeping ‘This very girl is not dead, she is asleep.ʼ (Luke 8ː52) (149) illustrates the dynamic direction oriented verbal category which includes the verbs ‘go’ and ‘come’. Because of their inherent directional meaning, the verbs ʊkwida ‘to come’ and ʊkʊja ‘to go’ are frequently used in motion events where V1 communicates direction of the movement while V2 gives the manner in which a person or object is moving. In this case the IPFV suffix is used with V1 and PROG is used with V2. (149) a-kʊlʊ 3SG-continue [ʊ-kʊ-daβ-a]CoCl AUG-15-pick-FV ka-le ka-j-ilɛ 12-DEM2 12-go-IPFV [ka-kʊ-caŋɡ-a]CoCl 12-PROG-ride-FV ‘He continues to pick, that one goes riding.’ (§7.2ː 62) (150) shows an irregular verb (aβaβwinɛ) that, in all the data, only surfaces with the IPFV suffix. The two imperfectively marked verbs are a part of a single verb phrase. The IPFV marker surfaces as -inɛ rather than -ilɛ because imbrication has taken place between the root βɔn and the suffix -ilɛ (See §2.6). (150) a-βa-βw-inɛ βa-lɛ βa-tatu β-iːd-ilɛ 3SG-OBJ.2-see-IPFV 2-DEM2 2-three 3PL-come-IPFV ‘Then he sees those three coming.’ (§7.2ː 117) Another marker which also conveys either recent past or present tense is PRES. Let us now investigate present and conditional activities in Pimbwe. 86 4.6. Present and conditional activities The present TAM marker a- is used for unmarked present tense conversation when no other spoken context is given. (151) shows this use. As an anecdotal example, the following question was asked of me when I was wearing my backpack and standing on the path leading out of the village after a weekʼs stay there. (151) w-á-j-à? 2SG-PRES-go-FV ‘Are you going?ʼ The difference between the single verb with PRES in (152) and the compound verb examples with the NCOP in the first verb in (146a) is that (146a) adds explicit ongoing aspect while (152) offers punctual activity. Each example below is followed by CONS. (152a) w-a-fut-á wa-mǎ-βɪk-a ḿ̩=cɪ-kapɔ 3SG-PRES-wipe-FV 3SG-CONS-put-FV 18=7-basket ‘He wipes (it), then he puts (it) into the basket.ʼ (§7.2ː 19) (152b) w-a-ciŋk-á lʊndɪ ka-cɪ-tambala wa-mǎ-li-njep-a ḿ̩=siŋɡo 3SG-PRES-return-FV again 12-7-kerchief 3SG-CONS-REFL-tie-FV 18=neck ‘He returns again the kerchief, then he ties it around his neck.ʼ (§7.2ː 20) The ŋɡa- conditional marker depicts an action which is part of a hypothetical statement. It can function to express the conditional, optative, or hypothetical mood. Further research is needed to confirm the distinct morphosyntactic realizations of each previously mentioned mood. (153) illustrates the conditional marker conveying the hypothetical mood in a single verb phrase while (154) illustrates its use in the conditional mood in a complete sentence. There is free variation between ŋɡa- and nda- among Pimbwe speakers. The particular speaker below used ŋɡa-. (153) ʊ-ŋɡa-maɲ-ɛ 2SG-IRR-know-FV 'You may know...' (154) n dɪ a-ka-id-ilɛ ŋ ɡa-βa ŋ -ka-m̩-bw-inɛ DEP 3SG-PST2-come-IPFV 1SG-IRR-NCOP 1SG-PST2-OBJ-see-IPFV ‘If he had come, I would have seen him.’ Finally, we turn our attention to the habitual marker in the next sub-section. 87 4.7. Habitual marker kʊlʊThe TAM marker kʊlʊ- conveys the habitual (HAB) aspect. In (155) and (156) HAB functions to signal activity that is done numerous times over an extended period of time. (155) a-βa-lumɛndɔ AUG-2-young man a-βa cɪ-buɡwɛ βa-kʊlʊ-cɪt-a cɪ AUG-ASS 7-Bugwe 3PL-HAB-do-FV INT ‘Young Mbugwe men normally do what?ʼ (GRAM – Verb Phrase: 144) (156) ʊ-m̩-kɔla a-kʊlʊ-kal-a ɪ-ɲama AUG-1-PRO 3SG-HAB-buy-FV 9-meat ‘He regularly buys meat.ʼ (GRAM – VP ʊkʊkalaː 12) 4.8. Additional verbal categories There is one quotative marker tɪ- that signals direct speech, quoted thoughts of a person, or written material. 12 The quotative appears just before the quoted speech and takes only a subject agreement marker. It takes a subject prefix that concords with the speaker(s) but does not take a TAM marker or extensions. (157a) wa-mǎ-βʊːk-a wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-lɪ-βʊdja 3SG-CONS-exit-FV 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-ask-FV ‘Then he exits then begins to ask himself...’ (§7.2:113) (157b) a-tɪ lʊndɪ ɔni w-aŋɡiβɪl-aŋɡ-a 3SG-QUOT now who 3SG-PRES-OBJ.1-steal-PFV-FV ‘He says, “now who robbed me?”’ (§7.2:114) The use that precedes reported speech surfaces with only the subject agreement SBJ + -tɪ while the complementizer use surfaces as ʊkʊtɪ as in (158b), the adverbial use is kʊtɪ, and the near past time reference marker that behaves as an auxiliary containing the present TAM marker a- as in (158b) (see §3.2.3). The John 1ː50 Pimbwe translation shows all of the various uses of -tɪ except the adverbial use. 12 The quotative marker is now a deficient verb that takes only limited inflection, namely subject agreement. The majority view is that it is historically derived from a verb for ‘sayʼ. Others argue that the original meaning of –tɪ was ‘be/do thusʼ (Güldemann 2002). 88 (158a) jɛːsu w-a-m̩ -bʊːdj-a a-tɪ ʊ-kw-amini βulɛ vi- n-a-kʊ-nɛːn-a nɔ Jesus 3SG-PRES-OBJ- 3SG- answer-FV QUOT INT 2SG-PROG- 8- 1SG-PRES-OBJ-say- believe REL FV ‘Jesus answered him saying, “Do you believe how I said...ʼ (158b) ʊkʊtɪ n-a-tɪ n-kʊ-βw-inɛ pa-nɔ w-a-tɪ ́ ʊ-ikad-ilɛ COMP 1SG-PRES-PST1 1SG-PROG-see-IPFV 16- 2SG-PRES-PST1 2SG-sit-IPFV REL ‘...that I was seeing you when you were sitting...ʼ (158c) pí=isindɔ [ɪj-a 16=under 9- m̩ -tini]AC 3-fig tree ʊ-kʊ̌-lɔl-a a-ma-kʊlʊ ʊ-kʊ-lʊt-a ɡa 2SG-FUT-FV AUG-6- AUG-15-surpass- 6.DEM1 important FV ASS ‘...underneath the fig tree? You will see important things to surpass these.ʼ (John 1:50) The adverbial use of kʊtɪ is displayed in (159). (159) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-ʊm-a kʊ-tɪ n -kɛnɡɛlɛ 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-beat like 9-bell ‘Then he begins to beat (it) like a bell.ʼ (§7.2ː 108) 5. Summary of findings As was mentioned in §1-2, Pimbwe is a Bantu language from the Katavi region of Western Tanzania which displays phonological conservativity with respect to historical Bantu Spirantization and devoicing. It displays lexical and grammatical tone creating written ambiguities that were listed in §2.5. The 7-vowel system shows cross height vowel harmony. Its nominal characteristics are typical of a Bantu language displaying 18 noun classes assuming classes 1a and 2a are subsumed under classes 1 and 2 respectively. The noun phrase shows constituent agreement with the head noun across the NP. The Pimbwe verbal system is in the distinct minority of Bantu languages in its use of the verbal aspectual suffix –aŋɡ (see §3.2.2 and 4.5.1). It carries perfective aspect which translates to use as a flashback device in extended text. The CONS TAM marker mǎ- in an isolated utterance conveys near future time reference, which is derived from its discoursal function as a CONS marker. The IPFV marker –ilɛ conveys a wide aspectual range depending on the characteristics of the verb with which it is used. It can signal imperfective as well as anterior aspect. There are three tense markers that function grammatically as auxiliaries. The PST1 auxiliary SBJ + a-tɪ ́ shows near past tense specifically action that has happened in the same day. The CPL auxiliary SBJ + a-lɪ ́ conveys far past tense and completive aspect in independent and dependent clauses respectively. In 89 the running commentary texts analyzed in this thesis, the setting and characters were introduced using CPL. The NCOP auxiliary SBJ + a-βa continues the mainline information and is only used within the context of longer discourse as it signals continuity with the information preceding it and/or following it in the utterance. The copular system diverges from Bantu norms by using the copula for both permanent and temporary copular linkage of CS and CC. There is also a locative copula which expresses location except when followed by the comitative ni. In those cases it expresses possession. This is the first formal language description that includes a Pimbwe phonology, grammar, and discussion of the use of grammatical categories in extended commentary texts. The interaction between lexical and grammatical tone and its implications on meaning is a topic in need of additional research. Another possible topic of further study would be the analysis of text genres other than running commentary. As a corollary project, a comparative study of Pimbwe and Rungwa phonology as well as a Rungwa grammar would doubtless shed light on the Pimbwe language by way of its closest linguistic neighbor. 90 6. References Abe, Yuko. 2011. The Continuum of Languages in West Tanzania Bantu: A Case Study of Gongwe, Bende and Pimbwe. In Osamu Hieda, Christa König and Hirosi Nakagawa (eds.). Geographical Typology and Linguistic Areas, with special reference to Africa. Tokyo University of Foreign Studies/University of Cologne, 177–188. Aunio, Lotta, Holly Robinson, Tim Roth, Oliver Stegen, & John B. Walker. 2019. The Mara languages JE40. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 501-532. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Bastin, Yvonne, André Coupez, Evariste Mumba, and Thilo C. Schadeberg (eds). 2003. Bantu lexical reconstructions 3. Tervuren: Royal Museum for Central Africa, online version: http://linguistics.africamuseum.be/BLR3.html. Bostoen, Koen. 2019. Reconstructing Proto-Bantu. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 308-334. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Casali, Roderic R. 2017. High vowel patterning as an early diagnostic of vowel inventory type. Journal of West African Languages 44(1). 79-112. http://main.journalofwestafricanlanguages.org/index.php/downloads/send/128-volume-44number-1/662-high-vowel-patterning-as-an-early-diagnostic-of-vowel-inventory-type. Comrie, Bernard, Martin Haspelmath & Balthasar Bickel. 2009. The Leipzig Glossing Rules. Leipzig: MPI for Evolutionary Anthropology and University of Leipzig. Dixon, R.M.W. 2010. Basic Linguistic Theoryː Methodology. vol 1. New York: Oxford University Press. Downing, Laura J. & Lutz Marten. 2019. Clausal morphosyntax and information structure. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 270-307. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Ehret, Christopher. 2009. Bantu Subclassifications. http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/history/ehret/kinship/BantuClassification%204-09.pdf, accessed October 18, 2010. Gibson, Hannah, Rozenn Guérois & Lutz Marten. 2019. Variation in Bantu copula constructions. In María J. Arche, Antonio Fábregas & Rafael Marín (eds.) The grammar of copulas across languages. Oxfordː Oxford University Press, 213-242. Guérois, Rozenn. 2019. Cuwabo P34. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 733-775. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Güldemann, Tom. 2002. When ‘say’ is not say: The functional versatility of the Bantu quotative marker ti with special reference to Shona. In Tom Güldemann & Manfred von Roncandor (eds.) Reported discourse: A meeting ground for different linguistic domains. 253–287. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hyman, Larry M. 1999. The historical interpretation of vowel harmony in Bantu. In Jean-Marie Hombert 91 & Larry M. Hyman (eds.), Bantu historical linguistics: Theoretical and empirical perspectives, 235295. Stanford, CA: C.S.L.I. Hyman, Larry M. 2003. Segmental phonology. In Nurse & Philippson (eds.), The Bantu Languages, 42-58. London & New York: Routledge. Hyman, Larry M. 2019. Segmental phonology. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 128-149. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Longacre, Robert E. 1986. The semantics of the storyline in east and west Africa. Journal of Semantics 5ː 55-64. Maddeison, Ian & Bonny Sands. 2019. The sounds of the Bantu languages. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 79-127. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Maho, Jouni Filip. 2009. New Updated Guthrie List, NUGL Online. http://goto.glocalnet.net/mahopapers/nuglonline.pdf, accessed October 18, 2010. Nicolle, Steve. 2013. A grammar of Digo: A Bantu language of Kenya and Tanzania. Dallas: SIL International. Nicolle, Steve. 2014. Discourse functions of demonstratives in eastern Bantu narrative texts. Studies in African Linguistics 43(2)ː 125-144. Nicolle, Steve. 2016. Variation in the expression of information structure in eastern Bantu languages. In Doris L. Payne, Sara Pacchiarotti, & Mokaya Bosire (eds.), Diversity in African languages. 377-395. Berlinː Language Science Press. Nurse, Derek. 1988. The diachronic background to the language communities of SW Tanzania. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 9: 58-59. Nurse, Derek. 1999. Towards a Historical Classification of East African Bantu Languages. In Jean-Marie Hombert and Larry M. Hyman (eds.). Bantu Historical Linguistics: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives. Stanford: CSLI, 1–41. Nurse, Derek & G. Philippson. 2003. The Bantu Languages. London: Routledge. Nurse, Derek. 2008. Tense and Aspect in Bantu. New York: Oxford University Press. Odden, D. & L. Bickmore. 2014. Melodic Tone in Bantu. Africana Linguistica 20ː 3-13. Roth, Tim. 2011. The Genetic Classification of Wungu: Implications for Bantu Historical Linguistics. Master’s thesis, Trinity Western University, Langley. Roth, Tim & Karin Yalonde. 2013. Pimbwe Orthography Sketch. SIL International, no. 5: 21. Schadeberg, Thilo C. & Koen Bostoen. 2019. Word formation. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 172-203. London & New Yorkː Routledge. SIL glossary of linguistic terms. https://glossary.sil.org/term/utterance. Accessed March 5, 2020. Snider, Keith. 2018. Tone analysis for field linguists. Dallas: SIL. 92 Starwalt, Coleen G. A. 2008. The acoustic correlates of harmony in seven- and nine-vowel African languages: A phonetic inquiry into phonological structure. University of Texas at Arlington dissertation. https://uta-ir.tdl.org/uta-ir/handle/10106/1015. Van de Velde, Mark. 2019. Nominal Morphology and Syntax. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 237-269. London & New Yorkː Routledge. Waters, Tony. 2009. Social Organization and Social Status in Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Rukwa, Tanzania. African Studies Quarterly 11(1):57–93. Wilhelmsen, Vera. 2019. Mbugwe F34. In Mark Van de Velde, Koen Bostoen, Derek Nurse, & Gérard Philippson (eds.). The Bantu languages. 533-562. London & New Yorkː Routledge. 93 7. Appendices 7.1. Appendix A: Pimbwe Pear Story narrated by Fokas Nyansio Kapongwa from Usevya (1) Kw-a-lɪ́ kʊ-lɪ ʊ-lʊ-sikʊ ʊ-lʊ-mwi ɪn-kɔnkɔ j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-tanɡɪd-ilɛ 17-PRES-CPL 15- AUG-11- AUG-11- 9- 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV LCOP day one chicken ‘There was one day a chicken (that) was crowing.ʼ (2) j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-tanɡɪd-ilɛ mala m -bili 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV time 9-two ‘It was crowing a second time.ʼ (3) kw-a-lɪ́ ku-lɪ ʊ-wikɔlɔ ʊ-mwi 17-PRES-CPL 15-LCOP 1a-elder AUG-one ‘There was one elder person...’ (4) w-a-lɪ́ a-taɡ-ilɛ mi-tɪ ɪ-j-a ma-tunda 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-climb-IPFV 4-tree AUG-6-ASS 6-fruit ‘...he was climbing fruit trees.’ (5) ɡa-kʊ-kɔm-a a-ma-tunda a-mǎ-j-a ḿ̩=kʊ-daβ-a a-ma-tunda 6-PROG-mature-FV AUG-6-fruit 3SG-CONS-go-FV 18=15-pick-FV AUG-6-fruit ‘As the fruit is maturing, he then goes to harvest fruit.’ (6) w-a-βá a-kʊ-daβ-a a-kʊ-βɪk-a ḿ̩=m-fukɔ 3SG-PRES.NCOP 3SG-PROG-pick-FV 3SG-PROG-put-FV 18=3-pocket ‘And he was harvesting, he is putting in a pocket...’ (7) ɡa-mwi ɡa-βá ɡa-kʊ-w-a pá=n-sɪ 6-one 6-PRES-NCOP 6-PRES-fall-FV 16=9-ground ‘some were falling on the ground.’ (8) w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ ni n 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-LCOP COM 9-ladder ‘He had a ladder...’ -tantɪlɔ 94 (9) ku-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ w-a-pand-aŋɡ-a a-mǐ-ik-a ʊ-kʊ-fum-a kʊ́=ntantɪlɔ 17-PRES 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PRES-ascend- 3SG-CONS- AUG-15- 17=9- PFV-FV descend-FV originate-FV ladder ‘...where he had climbed. Then he descends from the ladder.’ (10) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-fum-j-a ma-tunda ḿ̩=m̩-fukɔ 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG-remove-CAUS-FV 6-fruit 18=3-pocket ‘Then he begins removing fruit from inside the pocket...’ (11) m̩-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kʊ-daβ-a a-kʊ-βik-a 18=REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-pick-FV 3SG-PROG-put-FV ‘...in which he had been picking (and) putting (them).’ (12) a-kʊlʊ ʊkʊ-fum-j-a tupu 3SG-continue 15-remove-CAUS-FV only ‘He just continued to remove (them).’ (13) a-kʊlʊ ʊ-kʊ-fum-j-a tʊpʊ ma-tunda 3SG-continue AUG-15-remove-CAUS-FV only 6-fruit ‘He just continued to remove fruit.’ (14) a-kʊlʊ ʊ-kw-i-tʊːl-a tʊpʊ ma-tunda ɡa-lɛ w-a-daβ-aŋɡ-a 3SG-continue AUG-15-REFL-gather-FV only 6-fruit 6-DEM2 3SG-PRES-pick-PFV-FV ‘He continues to just gather for himself those fruit he had picked.’ (15) a-kʊlʊ ʊ-kʊ-fum-j-a tupu. 3SG-continue AUG-15-remove-CAUS-FV only ‘He just continues to remove (them).’ (16) lɪ-mwi lɪ-ma-w-a pá=n-sɪ 5-one 5-CONS-fall-FV 16=9-ground ‘Then one falls to the ground.’ (17) lɪ-kʊ-w-a pá=n-sɪ wa-mǐ-inam-a ḿ̩=kʊ-lɪ-sɔl-a 5-PROG-fall-FV 16=9-ground 3SG-CONS-bend over-FV 18=15-REFL-get-FV ‘It is falling to the ground he then bends down in order to retrieve it.’ 95 (18) lj-a-βá lj-a-β-aŋɡ-a ni mi-saŋɡa 5-PRES-NCOP 5-PRES-NCOP-PFV-FV CONJ 4-sand ‘It was sandy.ʼ (19) w-a-βá a-lɪ ni cɪ-tambala ḿ̩=siŋɡɔ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-LCOP COM 7-kerchief 18=neck ‘And he has a kerchief around his neck.’ (20) wa-mǎ-fuŋɡʊ-a ɪ-cɪ-tambala ḿ̩=siŋɡɔ wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-pjɪl-a ɪ-mi-saŋɡa AUG-7- 18=neck 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-wipe- AUG-4- FV sand (SWH) 3SG-CONS-untie-FV kerchief ‘Then he unties the kerchief around his neck then he begins to wipe away the sand.’ (21) w-a-ciŋk-á wa-mǎ-li-njɛp-a lʊndɪ ɪ-cɪ-tambala ḿ̩=siŋɡɔ 3SG-PRES-return-FV 3SG-CONS-REFL-tie-FV again AUG-7-kerchief 18=neck ‘He returns then he ties the kerchief again around his neck.’ (22) w-a-ímɪlɪl-a paːpɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-suka-imɛ 3SG-PRES-REFL-stand-FV 16.DEM3 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-kneel-IPFV ‘He then stood himself up there (where) he had been kneeling.’ (23) a-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-li-kuŋunt-a ɪ-mi-saŋɡa ḿ̩=ma-kɔkɔla 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-wipe-FV AUG-4-sand 18=6-knee ‘Then he begins to wipe the sand off his knees.’ (24) wa-mǎ-ciŋk-a tɛna kʊ́=n- ʊ-kʊ-pand-ɪlɪl-a ʊ-kw-in-ɪl-a tɛna kʊ́=m̩-tɪ 17=9- AUG-15-climb- AUG-15-ascend- again 17=3- ladder APPL-FV APPL-FV ta tɪlɔ n 3SG-CONS-return- again FV tree ‘Then he returns again to the ladder to climb ascending again to the tree.’ (25) kw-a-lɪ́ ku-lɪ ni ʊ-m̩-tʊ ni w-ɪndɪ a-fum-ilɛ 17-PRES.CPL 15-LCOP CONJ AUG-1-person CONJ 1-other 3SG-appear-IPFV ‘There was one person and another is appearing.’ 96 (26) kʊ́=mwi w-a-βá a-lɪ ni ɪm-budi a-kʊ-kwɛs-a 17=one 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-LCOP COM 9-goat 3SG-PROG-pull-FV ‘One had a goat he was pulling (it).’ (27) a-kʊ-fik-a paː-lɛ a-βw-inɛ ɪ-vi-kapɔ vj-a ma-tunda 3SG-PROG-arrive-FV 16-DEM2 3SG-see-IPFV AUG-8-basket 8-ASS 6-fruit ‘(As) he is arriving there, he sees fruit baskets.’ (28) w-a-lɪnɡ-iʃ-a w-a-lɪnɡ-iʃ-a wa-ma-pʊːt-a ni ɪm-budi 3SG-PRES-look-CAUS-FV 3SG-PRES-look-CAUS-FV 3SG-CONS-pull-FV CONJ 9-goat ‘He looks and looks, then he passes with goat.’ (29) w-a-βa a-ɪ-njɛf-ilɛ ni cɪ-kunɡa m=sinɡɔ m- budi 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-OBJ-tie-IPFV CONJ 7-rope 18=neck 9-goat ‘He was tieing it with a rope around the goat’s neck...’ (30) ni wɛ-lɛ u-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kw-iʃ-a ma-tunda CONJ 1-DEM2 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-fall-CAUS-FV 6-fruit ‘...and that one who had been dropping fruit.’ (31) w-a-βá a-lɪ kʊ́=m̩-tɪ kʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kʊ-daβ-a matunda 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG- 17=3- 17- LCOP tree REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-pick- 6-fruit FV ‘He was located in the tree where he had been picking fruit.’ (32) w-a-βá a-kʊlʊ kʊ-daβ-a a-kʊ-tʊːl-a a-kʊ-βik-a ḿ̩-siŋɡɔ m̩-fukɔ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG- 15-pick 3SG-PROG- 3SG-PROG- 18=neck 3- choose-FV put-FV continue ‘He was continuing to pick, he is choosing and putting in the pocket around his neck...’ (33) ni wɛ-lɛ ʊ-w-a m- budi CONJ 1-DEM2 AUG-1-ASS 9-goat wa-mǎ-pʊːt-a 3SG-CONS-pass_by-FV ‘...and that (owner) of the goat, then he passes by.’ (34) a-kʊ-daβ-a tʊpʊ, a-kʊ-daβ-a tʊpʊ ma-tunda 3SG-PROG-pick-FV only 3SG-PROG-pick-FV only 6-fruit ‘He is just picking, he is just picking fruit.’ pocket 97 (35) a-kʊ-βik-a m̩-fukɔ a-kʊ-daβ-a tʊpʊ ma-tunda ɡaɡɔ 3SG-PROG-put-FV 3-pocket 3SG-PROG-pick-FV only 6-fruit 6.DEM3 ‘He is putting in the pocket, he is just picking that fruit.’ (36) najɪ wa-mǎ-fum-ɪl-a ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ time 3SG-CONS-exit-APPL-FV AUG-1-young man ʊ-mwi a-lɪ ni basikɛli AUG-one 3SG-LCOP COM bicycle ‘Now one young man appears, he has a bicycle.’ (37) w-a-βá a-lɪ ni ɪŋ-kaŋɡalɔ, 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-LCOP COM 9-bicycle ‘He has a bicycle.’ (38) w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ a-kʊ-ɛndɛʃ-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV 3SG-PROG-drive-FV ‘He was coming riding.’ (39) a-id-ilɛ a-kʊ-ɛndɛʃ-a 3SG-come-IPFV 3SG-PROG-drive-FV ‘He is coming riding.’ (40) a-id-ilɛ a-kʊ-ɛndɛʃ-a m paka 3SG-come-IPFV 3SG-PROG-drive-FV until pá=m̩-tɪ βw-a ma-tunda 16=3-tree 3-ASS 6-fruit ‘He is coming riding until near the fruit tree.’ (41) w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ tʊpʊ pa-a-fik-a (pa-nɔ w-a-fik-a) pá=m̩-tɪ βw-a a-ma-tunda 3SG-PRES- 3SG- only 16-PRES-arrive-FV (16-REL 16=3- 3-ASS AUG-6-fruit NCOP come- 3SG-PRES-arrive-FV) tree IPFV ‘He was just coming when he arrived at the fruit tree.’ (42) a-βw-inɛ ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ ɪ-c-a ma-tunda 3SG-see-IPFV AUG-7-basket AUG-7-ASS 6-fruit ‘He sees a fruit basket.’ (43) cɪ-lɪ pá=n-sɪ w-a-lɪŋɡɪ́ʃ-a w-a-lɪŋɡ-ɪ́ʃ-a 7-LCOP 16=9-round 3SG-PRES-look-CAUS-FV 3SG-PRES-look-CAUS-FV ‘It is on the ground, he is looking and looking.’ 98 (44) najɪ wa-mǎ-sʊmb-a ɪ-basikɛli wa-mǎ-jɪ-sʊmb-a pá=n-si time 3SG-CONS-lay_down-FV AUG-bicycle 3SG-CONS-OBJ-tip_over-FV 16=9-ground ‘Now he lays down the bicycle, he lays it on the ground.’ (45) wa-mǎ-j-a pá=vikapɔ vj-a ma-tunda 3SG-CONS-go-FV 16=8-basket 8-ASS 6-fruit ‘Then he goes to the fruit baskets.’ (46) w-a-lɪŋɡ-ɪ́ʃ-a kw-íjʊlʊ w-a-liŋɡ-íʃ-a kʊ ni kʊ 3SG-PRES-see-CAUS-FV 17=up 3SG-PRES-see-CAUS-FV 17.DEM1 CONJ 17.DEM1 ‘He looks up, he looks here and there.’ (47) w-a-lɪŋɡ-á kʊ-nsi m̩-ntʊ 3SG-PRES-look-FV 16-NEG 1-person ‘He sees there is no one.’ (48) wa-mǎ-βʊː-ʃ-a ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ ɪ-c-a ma-tunda ɡaɡɔ 3SG-CONS-lift-CAUS-FV AUG-7-basket AUG-7-ASS 6-fruit 6.DEM3 ‘Then he lifts the basket of that fruit.’ (49) wa-mǎ-tɛnɛk-a pá=n-si pa-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-tʊd-ɪlɛ ɪŋ-kaŋɡalɔ 3SG-CONS-set-FV 16-ground 16-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-put-IPFV 9-bicycle ‘Then he sets on the ground near where he had put the bicycle.’ (50) wa-mǎ-βʊː-ʃ-a ɪŋ-kaŋɡalɔ wa-mǎ-pand-a 3SG-CONS-lift-CAUS-FV 9-bicycle 3SG-CONS-mount-FV ‘Then he lifts the bicycle then he mounts (it).’ (51) wa-mǐ-inam-a wa-mǎ-sɔl-a ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ ɪ-c-a ma-tunda 3SG-CONS-bend_down-FV 3SG-CONS-get-FV AUG-7-basket AUG-7-ASS 6-fruit ‘Then he bends down and gets the fruit basket.’ (52) wa-mǎ-βɪk-a pá=kɛlijasi 3SG-CONS-put-FV 16=carrier ‘Then he puts (it) on the carrier.’ 99 (53) wa-mǎ-pand-a pá=basikɛli wa-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-pɪ-ʃ-a basikɛli 3SG-CONS-mount-FV 16=bicycle 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG-move-CAUS-FV bicycle ‘Then he mounts the bicycle and starts riding the bicycle.’ (54) ni wɛ-lɛ ʊ-wikɔlɔ u-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kʊ-w-iʃ-a ma-tunda CONJ 1-DEM2 1-elder 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-fall-CAUS-FV 6-fruit ‘And that elder who had been dropping the fruit...’ (55) w-a-βá a-ta-lɪ a-lɪ kʊ́=m̩-tɪ kʊ́=ma- a-kʊ-w-iʃ-a tu da n 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-NEG- 3SG- 17=3- LCOP LCOP tree 17=5-fruit 3SG-PROG-fall-CAUSEFV ‘...he had not been at the fruit tree where he drops (it).ʼ (56) ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ AUG-1-young man w-a-βá w-a-βʊːk-aŋɡ-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PRES-leave-PFV-FV ‘The young man (that) has left.’ (57) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ a-kʊ-pɪ-ʃ-a basikɛli 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV 3SG-PROG-move-CAUS-FV bicycle ‘He was going riding a bicycle.’ (58) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ a-kʊ-pɪ-ʃ-a basikɛli, 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV 3SG-PROG-move-CAUS-FV bicycle ‘He was going riding a bicycle.’ (59) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ a-kʊ-pɪ-ʃ-a basikɛli kʊ́=mbɛlɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV 3SG-PROG-move-CAUS-FV bicycle 17=forward ‘He was going riding a bicycle and ahead...’ (60) wa-mǎ-fum-ilɛ wa-ka-cɪ-majɪ na-wɛ 3SG-CONS-appear-IPFV 1-12-7-mom CONJ-PRO.3SG ‘Then this woman also is appearing.ʼ (61) w-a-βá a-lɪ ni basikɛli a-kʊ-pɪ-ʃ-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-LCOP COM bicycle 3SG-PROG-drive-CAUS-FV ‘She has a bicycle, she is steering.’ 100 (62) βʊtɪ βa-mǎ-li-pʊʃ-ɪŋk-anj-ɛ βa-mǎ-li-pum-a EXCL 3PL-CONS-REFL-pass-IMPOS-RECP-CAUS-IPFV 3PL-CONS-REFL-crash-FV ‘Whoa, then they tried to cause each other to pass by, then they crashed.ʼ (63) wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 1-DEM2 AUG-1-young w-a-mǎ-w-a, man 3SG-PRES-CONS-fall-FV ‘That young man then falls.’ (64) cɪ-kapɔ cɪ-mǎ-w-a pɑ́=n-si, ma-tunda ɡa-mǎ-sambala pá=n-si 7-basket 7-CONS-fall-FV 16=9-ground 6-fruit 6-CONS-spill-FV 16-9-ground ‘The basket then falls to the ground, the fruit then spills on the ground.’ (65) wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 1-DEM2 AUG-1-young man w-a-βá w-a-vulaːl-ɪk-aŋɡ-a pá=m̩-kuŋɡulu 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PRES-injure-STAT-PFV- 16=3-arm NCOP FV ‘That young man has been injured on (his) arm.’ (66) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-ŋut-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-wipe-FV ‘Then he starts to wipe (off).’ (67) najɪ wa-mǎ-tɪ-ʃ-a ɪ-sɔkisi wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-li-pjɪl-a time 3SG-CONS-remove-CAUS-FV 9-sock 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-dust_off-FV ‘Now he removes socks, then begins to dust himself off.’ (68) najɪ βa-mǎ-fum-ɪl-a a-βa-lumɛndɔ time 3PL-CONS-leave-APPL-FV AUG-2-young βa-tatu man 2-person ‘Now three young men appear.ʼ (69) β-a-dan-ilɛ wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 3PL-PRES-meet-IPFV 1-DEM2 AUG-1-young w-a-vulaːl-ɪk-anɡ-a man ‘They are meeting that young man that had been injured.ʼ (70) βa-mǎ-mw-adw-a ʊ-kʊ-βʊːʃ-a ma-tunda 3PL-CONS-OBJ-help-FV AUG-15-lift 6-fruit ‘Then they help to lift the fruit.’ 3SG-PRES-injure-STAT-PFV-FV 101 (71) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-mw-adw-a a-kʊ-sɔl-a ɪ-vi-jaβɔ a-kʊ-sɔl-a ɪ-vi-jaβɔ 3SG-begin- AUG-15-OBJ-help- 3SG-PROG-get- AUG-8- 3SG-PROG-get-FV AUG-8- FV FV FV FRUIT FRUIT ‘They begin to help him (as) he is lifting the fruit, lifting the fruit.’ (72) βa-kʊ-m̩ -ŋunt-a najɪ wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 3PL-PROG-OBJ-dust_off-FV time 1-DEM2 AUG-1-young man ‘They are now dusting off that young man.’ (73) pa-lɛ pa-nɔ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 16-DEM2 15-REL AUG-1-young man ‘There when the young man...’ (74) w-a-lɪ́ a-pum-ilɛ pa-a-lɪ́ pa-lɪ i-wɛ pá=n-si 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-crash-IPFV 16-PRES-CPL 16-LCOP 5-stone 16=9-ground ‘...had crashed, there was a stone there on the ground.’ (75) w-a-lɪ́ a-pum-ilɛ i-wɛ wa-mǎ-sʊmb-ɪl-a ɪ-basikɛli pɛmbɛni 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-crash-IPFV 5-stone 3SG-CONS-tip-APPL-FV bicycle to the side ‘He had crashed into the rock he then tipped the bicycle over on its side.’ (76) wa-mǎ-βʊːk-a wɛdɔ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ 3SG-CONS-leave-FV 1.DEM3 AUG-1-young man ni basikɛli CONJ bicycle ‘Then that young man stands up with the bicycle.’ (77) ni kʊ w-a-βá a-ka-suntaɡ-ɪl-a i-lj-ʊlʊ ɪ-lj-a kʊ́=ʃɔtɔ CONJ 17.DEM1 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PST2-favor-APPL-FV AUG-5-leg AUG-5-ASS 17=left ‘And here he was favoring his left leg.’ (78) w-a-βá w-a-vulaːl-ɪk-anɡ-a pa-lɛ pa-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-w-ilɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PRES-injure-STAT-PFV- 16- 16- 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-fall-IPFV FV DEM2 REL ‘He has been injured there when he had fallen.’ 102 (79) fwandi w-a-βá w-a-lɛk-anɡ-a ni n- paːpɔ-nɛ pá=n-si 16.DEM3- 16=9- DIM ground kɔfila well 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PRES-leave-PFV-FV 9-hat CONJ ‘Well, he had left the hat right there on the ground.’ (80) βa-lɛ βa-tatu βa-mǎ-ɪ-liŋɡ-a ɪŋ-kɔfila 2-DEM2 2-three 3PL-CONS-OBJ-see-FV 9-hat ‘Those three then see the hat.’ (81) wa-mǎ-m̩-kuβ-ɪl-a ʊ-m̩-lɔzi β-a-tɪ w-i-ɪβɪl-a ɪŋkɔfila 3SG-CONS-OBJ-whistle-APPL-FV AUG-3- 1PL-PRES-say 2SG-PRES-forget-FV whistle ‘Then they whistle to him saying, “You forgot the hat.”’ (82) βa-mǎ-m̩-njamn-ɪd-j-a ɪŋ-kɔfila 3PL-CONS-OBJ-chase-APPL-CAUS-FV 9-hat ‘Then they go after the hat for him.’ (83) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ m 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV until ‘He was going he was going until near...’ (84) m̩-lumɛndɔ ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɛk-ilɛ ɪŋ-kɔfila 1-young man 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-leave-IPFV 9-hat ‘...the young man who had left the hat.’ (85) wa-mǎ-m̩-p-a ɪŋ-kɔfila a-kʊ-m̩-p-a ɪŋ-kɔfila 3SG-CONS-OBJ-give-FV 9-hat 3SG-PROG-OBJ-give-FV 9-hat ‘Then he gives him the hat, he is giving him the hat.’ (86) wa-mǎ-ɪ-dwal-a kʊ́=m̩-twɛ 3SG-CONS-OBJ-wear-FV 17=3-head ‘Then he wears it on (his) head.’ paka pá= 16= 9-hat 103 (87) u-m̩-lumɛndɔ AUG-1-young man wɛ-lɛ u-w-a basikɛli w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ 1-DEM2 AUG-1-ASS bicycle 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV ‘That young man with a bicycle was going.ʼ (88) wɛ-lɛ u-m̩-lumɛndɔ 1-DEM2 AUG-1-young wa-mǎ-ciŋk-a kʊ-βa c-akwɛ 3SG-CONS-return-FV 15-NCOP 7-PP.3SG man ‘That young man then returns to be his own things.’ (89) βa-lɛ 2- βa- βa- βɪlɪ nɔ 2-two 2- DEM2 w-a-lɪ́ a-βa-lɛk-ilɛ ʊ-kʊ-lɪm-a lj-akwɛ 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-OBJ-leave-IPFV AUG-15-cultivate- 5-PP- FV 3SG REL ‘Those two who he had been leaving to cultivate his (field).ʼ (90) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-njam̩n-a wa-mǎ-βa-dan-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG-run-FV 3SG-CONS-OBJ-meet-FV ‘Then he begins to run, then he meets them.’ (91) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a kʊ-βa-ɡaβ-a ku-lip-a ma-tunda lɪ-mwi lɪ-mwi 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 15-OBJ-divide-FV 15-OBJ-pay-FV 6-fruit 5-one 5-one ‘Then he begins to divide among them to pay with fruit one-by-one.’ (92) wɛ-lɛ ʊw-ɪndɪ a-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-li-fut-a kw=í-ʃati 1-DEM2 1-other 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-wipe-FV 17=5-shirt ‘That other one starts to wipe it on shirt...’ (93) vi-nɔ lj-a-lɪ́ lɪ-lɪ ni mi-saŋɡa 8-REL 5-PRES-CPL 5-LCOP CONJ 4-sand ‘...because it had had sand (on it).ʼ (94) βa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-lj-a β-a-βá βa-j-ilɛ 3PL-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-eat-FV 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-PRES-go-IPFV ‘Then they begin to eat, they were going on.ʼ (95) β-a-βá βa-j-ilɛ βa-kʊ-pɪt-a ni-kʊ βa-j-ilɛ βa-kʊ-lj-a 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-PRES-go-IPFV 3PL-PROG- CONJ- 3PL-PRES-go-IPFV 3SG-PROG- walk-FV 17.DEM1 ‘They were going on, they are walking right here, they are going on eating.’ eat-FV 104 (96) ni wɛ-lɛ ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-kʊ-w-iʃ-a ma-tunda CONJ 1-DEM2 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-PROG-fall-CAUS-FV 6-fruit ‘And that one who had been dropping fruit...’ (97) wa-mǐ-ik-a tɛna ku-fuma kʊ́=n-tantɪlɔ ʊ-kw-ik-a paː-lɛ pá=n-sɪ 3SG-CONS-descend- again 15- 17-ladder AUG-15- 16- 16=9- descend DEM2 ground come_from FV ‘...then he again comes from the ladder descending there onto the ground.’ (98) a-βw-inɛ ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ cɪ-mwi cɪ-nsi=pɔ c-a ma-tunda 3SG-look-IPFV AUG-7-basket 7-one 7-NEG=16 7-ASS 6-fruit ‘He sees one fruit basket is missing.’ (99) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-lɪnɡ-ɪʃ-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG-look-CAUS-FV ‘Then he begins to look around...’ (100) a-tɪ lʊndɪ ala-pa ʊ-nɔ w-anɡ-iβɪl-a ɔni 3SG-say again DEM4-16 1-REL 3SG-COND-steal-FV INT ‘...he says again, “This very place the one who might steal it is whom?”’ (101) w-a-lɪnɡ-ɪ́ʃ-a kʊ ni kʊ 3SG-PRES-look-CAUS-FV 17.DEM1 CONJ 17.DEM1 ‘He looks around here and there.’ (102) w-a-tá-lɪnɡ-a m̩-ntʊ 3SG-PRES-NEG-look-FV 1-person ‘He does not see anyone.’ (103) najɪ a-βw-inɛ βa-lɛ a-βa-lumɛndɔ time 3SG-see-IPFV 2-DEM2 AUG-2-young ‘Now he sees those young men.’ man 105 (104) βa-lɛ βa- βa-j-ilɛ pa-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ β-a-ta-li-vwanɟ-a 3PL-go-IPFV 16- 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG- 1PL-PRES-NEG-REFL-speak- LCOP FV tatu 2- 2- DEM2 three REL ‘Those three are going while he was there. They don’t speak.’ (105) w-a-βá a-kw-ɛlɛŋɡʊl-a a-tɪ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-REFL-ask-FV 3SG-say ‘He was asking himself saying,’ (106) hamɔ βa-sɛnd-ilɛ ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ ɪ-c-a vi-jaβɔ maybe 3PL-PRES-carry-IPFV AUG-7-basket AUG-7-ASS 8-fruit ‘“Maybe they are carrying the fruit basket.”’ (107) w-a-lɪ́ a-ta-βa-βʊːd-j-a a-tɪ vi-jaβɔ vj- vj-a-j-a pɛ 8-PP- 8-PRES-go- where 1SG FV anɛ 3SG-PRES- 3SG-PRES-NEG-OBJ-question- CPL CAUS-FV 3SG-say 8-fruit ‘He did not question them saying, “Where has my fruit gone?”’ (108) ala-pa βa-lɛ βa-tatu β-a-βá βa-pʊs-ilɛ βa-j-ilɛ ɪ-safari ɪ-dj-aβɔ DEM4- 2- 2-three 1PL-PRES- 1PL-PRES- 3PL-PRES-go- 9- AUG-10- 16 DEM2 NCOP pass_by-IPFV IPFV journey PP.3PL ‘Right here those three were passing by they are going on their journey.’ (109) ni wɛ-lɛ ʊ-wikɔlɔ w-a-βá a-s-ilɛ pá=m̩-tɪ pɑ́=ma-tunda CONJ 1-DEM2 1-elder 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-stay-IPFV 16=3-tree 16=6-fruit ‘And that elder was remaining in the fruit tree.’ 106 7.2. Appendix B: Pimbwe Pear Story narrated by Maliselina Denato from Usevya (1) ɪ-ŋ-kɔkɔ j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-βɪlɪk-ilɛ AUG-9-chicken 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV ‘The chicken had crowed.’ (2) j-a-lɪ́ ɪ-βɪlɪk-ilɛ ʊ-lw-a βʊ-βɪlɪ. 9-PRES-CPL 9-crow-IPFV AUG-11-ASS 14-two ‘He crowed a second time.’ (3) ʊ-baba ʊ-mwi w-a-βá w-a-lɪm-ile a-ma-tunda AUG-father 1-one 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-cultivate-IPFV AUG-6-fruit ‘One father was cultivating fruit.’ (4) wa-mǎ-j-a ḿ̩=kʊ-daβ-a a-ma-tunda 3SG-CONS-go-FV 18=15-pick-FV AUG-6-fruit ‘Then goes in order to pick fruit.’ (5) w-a-βá a-kʊ-daβ-a kʊ́=m̩-tɪ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-harvest-FV 17=3-tree ‘He was picking in the tree...’ (6) ga-mwi ga lɪ-mwi lɪ-mǎ-w-a 6-one 6.DEM1 5-one 5-CONS-fall-FV ‘...some of these. Then one falls.’ (7) w-a-βá a-lɪ ni ʊ-m̩-fʊko pá=n-da 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-LCOP COM AUG-3-pocket 16=9-stomach ‘He had a pocket on his stomach.’ (8) kwa hiyo ndɪ w-a-daβ-a a-kʊ-tʊmbʊk-ɪd-j-a (SWH) so DEP 3SG-PRES-pick-FV 3SG-PROG-drop_into-APPL-CAUS-FV ‘So as he picks he is dropping in (the pocket).’ (9) a-id-ile a-m-it-ɪl-a ḿ=cɪ-kapʊ 3SG-come-IPFV 3SG-CONS-drop-APPL-FV 18=7-basket ‘He is coming then he drops into the basket.’ 107 (10) a-id-a w-a-βá a-kʊ-fuɱfuml-a ḿ̩=cɪ-kapʊ 3SG-PRES-come-FV 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-dump_out-FV 18=7-basket ‘He has come, he was dumping out (what was) in basket.’ (11) w-a-βá a-kʊ-fuɱfuml-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-dump_out-FV ‘He was dumping (them) out.’ (12) w-a-βá a-kʊ-fuɱfuml-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-dump_out-FV ‘He was dumping (them) out...’ (13) lɪ-mwi lɪ-mwi 5-one 5-one ‘...one (by) one.’ (14) w-a-βá a-kʊ-fuɱfuml-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-dump_out-FV ‘He was dumping (them) out.’ (15) lɪ-mwi lɪ-mǎ-w-a wa-mǐ-iːnam-a wa-mǎ-sɔl-a 5-one 5-CONS-fall-FV 3SG-CONS-bend_down-FV 3SG-CONS-get-FV ‘Then one falls, then he bends down, then he retrieves (it).’ (16) w-a-βá a-kʊ-lɪ-lɔl-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-OBJ.5-see-FV ‘He was looking at it.’ (17) w-a-βá a-lɪ nɪ cɪ- ḿ̩=singɔ wa-mǎ-li-fut-a 18=neck 3SG-CONS-OBJ.5-wipe-FV tambala 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG.PRES-LCOP COM 7kerchief ‘He had kerchief around (his) neck then he wipes himself off...’ (18) ɪ-mi-saŋɡa diː-lɛ AUG-4-sand 10-DEM2 ‘...that sand.’ 108 (19) w-a-fut-a wa-mǎ-βɪk-a ḿ=cɪ-kapɔ 3SG-PRES-wipe-FV 3SG-CONS-put-FV 18=7-basket ‘He wipes, then he puts into the basket.’ (20) w-a-ciŋk-á lʊndɪ ka-cɪ-tambala wa-mǎ-li-njep-a ḿ̩=siŋɡo 3SG-PRES-return-FV again 12-7-kerchief 3SG-CONS-REFL-tie-FV 18=neck ‘He returns again the kerchief then he ties it around his neck.’ (21) wa-mǎ-li-cɪt-a ɪ-vi-sɔɡa 3SG-CONS-REFL-do-FV AUG-8-well ‘Then he does it well.’ (22) wa-mǐ-iːm-ilɪl-a a-mǎ-anʒ-a a-kʊ-li-kʊɱkʊml-a ɪ-mi-saŋɡa 3SG-CONS-stand-APPL-FV 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 3SG-PROG-brush_off-REFL-FV AUG-5-sand ‘Then he stands and starts brushing sand off himself...’ (23) m̩-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ wa-mǐ-iːnam-a ma-ɡɔti 18-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-CONS-bend_over-FV 6-knee ‘...on the place he had knelt.’ (24) wa-mǎ-ciŋk-a kʊ́=ŋ-ɡazi 3SG-CONS-return-FV 17=9-ladder ‘Then he returns to ladder.’ (25) wa-mǎ-pand-a lundɪ 3SG-CONS-climb-FV again ‘Then he climbs again...’ (26) pa-nɔ a-kʊ-pand-a kw-a-βá kʊ-lɪ ʊ-m̩-ntʊ a-id-ilɛ na-wɛ 16- 3SG-PROG- 17-PRES-NCOP 17- AUG-1- 3SG-come- CONJ-PRO.3SG REL climb-FV LCOP person IPFV ‚...as he was climbing there was a person. He is also coming...’ (27) a-kʊ-kwɛs-a ɪ-m-budi 3SG-PROG-pull-FV AUG-9-goat ‘...he is pulling a goat...’ 109 (28) m paka until paːpɔ-nɛ wa-mǎ-pʊːt-a 17.DEM3-DIM 3SG-CONS-pass-FV ‘...until right there, then he passes.’ (29) ɪ-m-budi j-a-vu ʊ-kʊ-lj-a ma-tunda wa-mǎ-jɪ-kwɛs-a AUG-9-goat 9-PRES-want AUG-15-eat-FV 6-fruit 3SG-CONS-OBJ.9-pull-FV ‘The goat wants to eat fruit, then he pulls it.’ (30) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV ‘He was going on.ʼ (31) wa-mǎ-j-a 3SG-CONS-go-FV ‘Then he goes.’ (32) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ na-jo 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-go-IPFV CONJ-9.DEM3 ‘He was going on with it.’ (33) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ a-kw-ɪ-kwɛs-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-IPFV 3SG-PROG-OBJ.9-pull-FV ‘He was going on, he was pulling it.’ (34) nɪ wɛ-lɛ w-a-βá a-kʊ-ɛndɛl-iɛ CONJ 1-DEM2 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-continue-IPFV ‘And that one he was continuing...’ (35) ni w-a-pand-aŋɡ-a kʊ́=m̩-tɪ CONJ 3SG-PRES-climb-PFV-FV 17=3-tree ‘...and he has climbed into the tree.’ (36) a-kʊ-daβ- a-ma- a-kʊ-βɪk-a ʊ-m̩-fukɔ ʊ=βʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ-njɛf-ilɛ kʊ́=nani a tu da 3SG-PROG- AUG-6- 3SG-PROG- AUG-3- COP=3-REL 3-PRES- 3SG-REFL- thing pick-FV fruit put-FV pocket CPL tie-IPFV n ‘He is picking fruit, he is putting it in his pocket, it is the one which he had been tieing to the thing...ʼ 110 (37) ḿ̩=n̩-saːna waβá a-kʊlʊ ʊ-kʊ-daβ-a 18=3-waist 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-continue AUG-15-pick-FV ‘...around waist, he was continuing to pick.ʼ (38) ni w-ɪndi w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ ni baisikɛli ʊ=m̩-lumɛndɔ CONJ 1-other 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV CONJ bicycle COP=AUG-1-boy ‘And the other one was coming with a bicycle, it is a boy...ʼ (39) w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV ‘...who was coming...ʼ (40) m paka until paːpɔ-nɛ karibu ni ɪ-cɪ-tɪ c-a ma-tunda 16.DEM3-DIM close CONJ AUG-7-tree 7-ASS 6-fruit ‘...until right there close to fruit tree.ʼ (41) w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ a-kʊ-caŋɡ-a polɛpolɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV 3SG-PROG-ride-FV slowly ‘He was coming, riding slowly.ʼ (42) ni-kʊ a-dw-ɪtɛ ɪ-n-kɔfɪla CONJ-17.DEM1 3SG-wear-IPFV AUG-9-hat ‘And here he wears a hat.ʼ (43) w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV ‘He was coming...ʼ (44) m paka until paːpɔ-nɛ 16.DEM3-DIM ‘...until right there...ʼ (45) pá=cɪtɪ wa-mǐ-im-ɪlɪl-a wa-mǐ-ik-a 16=7-tree 3SG-CONS-stop-APPL-FV 3SG-CONS-descend-FV ‘...at the tree he stops, then he descends...ʼ 111 (46) kʊ́=ŋ-kaŋɡalɔ 17=9-bicycle ‘...from the bicycle.ʼ (47) wa-mǎ-jɪ-w-ɪʃ-a ɪ-ŋ-kaŋɡalɔ pá=n-sɪ 3SG-CONS-9-fall-CAUS-FV AUG-9-bicycle 16=9-ground ‘Then he sets down bicycle on the ground.’ (48) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-liŋɡ-iʃ-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-see-CAUS-FV ‘Then he begins to look around.’ (49) wa-lɛm-ilɛ i-tunda ɪ-lj-a kwanza ʊ-m̩-saβa 3SG-grab-FV 5-fruit AUG-5-fruit first AUG-1-owner ‘The owner is holding the first fruit...’ (50) kʊ-lɛ kʊ=m̩-tɪ w-a-cɪntʊkɪl-a 17-DEM2 17=3-tree 3SG-PRES-surprise-FV ‘...over there at the tree he is surprised.’ (51) wa-mɔ́-ɔp-a w-a-liŋɡ-ɪ́ʃ-a w-a-liŋɡ-á a-ta-m̩-bw-inɛ 3SG-CONS-fear-FV 3SG-PRES-look_around-CAUS-FV 3SG-PRES-look_around-FV 3SG-NEG-OBJ.1see ‘He is afraid, he looks around, he looks, he does not see him.’ (52) wa-mǎ-βʊːʃ-a ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ cɪ-nɔ cɪ-z-ilɛ a-ma-tunda ɡa-lɛ 3SG-CONS-lift-FV AUG-7-basket 7-REL 7-full-IPFV AUG-6-fruit 6-DEM2 ‘Then he lifts basket which is full of those fruit.’ (53) a-mǎ-suŋɡ-ɪd-j-a ɪ-kalibu ni pá=ŋ-kaŋɡalɔ 3SG-CONS-come_near-CAUS-FV close CONJ 16=9-ladder ‘Then he comes close to the ladder.’ (54) a-mǎ-βʊːʃ-a ɪ-ŋ-kaŋɡalɔ 3SG-CONS-lift-FV AUG-9-bicycle ‘Then he lifts bicycle.’ 112 (55) ndɪ a-kʊ-βʊːʃ-a wa-mǎ-i-βɪk-a vi-sɔɡa wa-mǐ-inɪl-a DEP 3SG-PROG-lift-FV 3SG-CONS-OBJ.9-put-FV 8-well 3SG-CONS-mount-FV ‘As he is lifting he places it well. Then he mounts.’ (56) wa-mǎ-βuːʃ-a ɪ-cɪ-kapɔ cɪ-lɛ 3SG-CONS-lift-FV AUG-7-basket 7-DEM2 ‘Then he lifts that basket.’ (57) wa-mǎ-tuːl-a pá=kɛlijasi 3SG-CONS-set-FV 16=carrier ‘Then he sets it on the carrier.’ (58) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-caŋɡ-a wa-mǎ-βʊːk-a w-a-βá w-a-ɟiβ-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-ride- 3SG-CONS-exit-FV 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PRES-steal-FV FV ‘Then he begins to ride, then he exits, and he has stolen.’ (59) wa-mǎ-j-a 3SG-CONS-go-FV ‘Then he goes...’ (60) kʊ-lɛ ni m̩-kɔla wɛ-lɛ a-ɛndɛl-iɛ kʊ-daβ-a a-ma-tunda 17-DEM2 CONJ 1-he 1-DEM2 3SG-continue-IPFV 15-pick-FV AUG-6-fruit ‘...over there and he continues to pick fruit.’ (61) w-a-βá a-ta-maɲ-ɪlɛ cɪ-nɔ cɪ-kw-ɪndɪlɪa 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-NEG-know-IPFV 7-REL 7-PROG-continue-FV ‘He was not knowing what is continuing.’ (62) a-kʊlʊ kʊ-daβ-a ka-le ka-j-ilɛ ka-kʊ-caŋɡ-a 3SG-continue 15-pick-FV 12-DEM2 12-go-IPFV 12-PROG-ride-FV ‘He continues to pick, that one goes riding.’ (63) ka-j-ilɛ ka-ku-caŋɡ-a 12-go-IPFV 12-PROG-ride-FV ‘He goes riding...’ 113 (64) ni m̩-hala w-a-βá a-id-ilɛ ni basikɛli CONJ 1-girl 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV CONJ bicylce ‘...and a girl was coming with a bicycle...’ (65) na-wɛnɛ a-kʊ-caŋɡ-a CONJ-PRO.3SG 3SG-PROG-ride-FV ‘...and she was riding.’ (66) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come-IPFV ‘She was going on.ʼ (67) w-a-βá a-j-ilɛ cilɛka β-a-lɪ-pʊt-uŊk-an-j'-e βa-ma-ɡɔŋɡ-an-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-come- CONJ 3PL-PRES-REFL-pass_by-REV-RECP- 3PL-CONS-hit- CAUS-IPFV RECP-FV IPFV ‘She was going so they pass by each other, then they run into each other.’ (68) ʊːʊː βa-mǎ-li-pum-a exclamation 3PL-CONS-REFL-hit-FV ‘Ohh, they hit each other.’ (69) a-ma-tunda ga-lɛ ga-mǐ-ɪtɪk-a AUG-6-fruit 6-DEM2 6-CONS-spill-FV ‘Those fruit spill.’ (70) kaː-lɛ a-ka-ncɛ ka-mǎ-w-a 12-DEM2 AUG-12-child 12-CONS-fall-FV ‘That child then falls.’ (71) ka-mǎ-anʒa hoi ka-mǎ-anʒ-a kʊ-lɪ-kuŋkuml-a ɪ-suluβalɪ 12-CONS-begin-FV in a bad state 12-CONS-begin-FV 15-REFL-brush_off-FV 9-pants ‘Then he begins to be in a bad state, he begins to brush off his pants.’ (72) ka-kʊ-li-lɔl-a ni sɔkisi 12-PROG-REFL-look-FV CONJ socks ‘He is looking at his socks.’ 114 (73) ka-a-anʒ-a kʊ-lɪ-lɪŋɡ-a ʊ-m̩-kʊŋɡʊlʊ 12-PRES-begin-FV 15-REFL-look-FV AUG-3-leg ‘He begins to look at his leg.’ (74) ka-ma-nʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-lipjɪl-a 12-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-clean-FV ‘Then he begins to clean himself...’ (75) ni βa-ndɪ β-a-βa β-id-aŋɡ-a, β-a-lɪ ni ɪ-cɪ-pawa CONJ 2- 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-PRES-come-PFV-FV 3PL-PRES-CPL COM AUG-7- other drum ‘...and the others have come, they have a drum.’ (76) a-kʊ-ɡɔŋɡa-ɡɔŋɡ-a 3SG-PROG-beat-beat-FV ‘He is beating it (repeatedly).’ (77) βa-mǐ-id-a β-a-anʒ-a kʊ-m̩-saidi-a 3PL-CONS-come-FV 3PL-PRES-begin-FV 15-OBJ.1-help-FV ‘They have come, they begin to help him.’ (78) ni wɛ-lɛ wa-mǎ-anʒa kʊ-m̩-saidi-a ʊ-kʊ-kʊŋkuml-a wɛ-lɛ CONJ 1-DEM2 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 15-OBJ.1-help-FV AUG-15-brush_off-FV 1-DEM2 ‘And that one begins to help him to brush off that one.ʼ (79) kʊ́=m̩-hala 17=1-girl ‘As for the girl...’ (80) wa-mǎ-anʒa ʊ-kʊ-djɔl-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-pick_up-FV ‘...she begins to pick it up.’ (81) βa-mǎ-anʒa kʊ-sɔlɛːl-a a-ma-tunda βa-kʊ-βɪk-a ḿ̩=cɪ-kapʊ 3PL-CONS-begin-FV 15-retrieve-FV AUG-6-fruit 3PL-PROG-put-FV 18=7-basket ‘Then they have begun to retrieve fruit, they are putting in the basket.’ 115 (82) ni wɛ-lɛ ʊw-ɪndɪ wa-mǎ-bʊːʃ-a ɪn-kaŋɡalɔ CONJ 1-DEM2 1-other 3SG-CONS-lift-FV 9-bicycle ‘And that other one then lifts the bicycle.’ (83) βa-kʊ-βɪk-a ḿ̩=cɪ-kapɔ 3PL-PROG-put-FV 18=7-basket ‘They are putting them in the basket.’ (84) ni kʊ-βa kʊ́=wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ a-kʊ-kuŋkuml-a ɪ-nani CONJ 17-NCOP 17=1-DEM2 AUG-1-boy 3SG-PROG-brush_off-FV 9-thing ‘And as for that boy, he is brushing off the thing.’ (85) βa-mǎ-βʊːʃ-a ɪc-ɪ-kapɔ βa-mǎ-βɪk-a pá=kɛlijasi 3PL-CONS-lift-FV AUG-7-basket 3PL-CONS-put-FV 16=carrier ‘Then they lift the basket, then they put it on the carrier.’ (86) βa-kʊ-βiːk-a ni ɡa-nɔ ɡa-a-ʃalɪl-aŋɡ-a 3PL-PRES-CONS-put-FV CONJ 6-REL 6-PRES-remain-PFV-FV ‘They are putting them with those which have remained.’ (87) wa-mǎ-sɔl-a i-wɛ wa-mǎ-sɔmb-a ʊ-mwi 3SG-CONS-retrieve-FV 5-rock 3SG-CONS-throw_away-FV 1-one ‘Then he retrieves the rock, then he throws one away.’ (88) ka-lɛ a-ka- k-a-βa k-a-vulal-ɪk-aŋɡ-a, ka-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-sukum- lumɛ dɔ a n 12- AUG-12- DEM2 boy 12-PRES-NCOP 12-PRES-injure-NEUT- 12-CONS-begin- AUG-15- PFV-FV FV push-FV ‘That boy who has been injured then begins to push.’ (89) ni βa-lɛ βa-tatu βa-má-j-a βa-má-ɪndɛlɪ-a ni safali j-aβo CONJ 2- 2- 3PL-CONS-go-FV 3PL-CONS-continue-FV CONJ journey 9.PP- DEM2 three 3PL ‘And those three go, they continue with their journey.’ (90) ni ka-lɛ ka-mɛ́-ɛndɛlɛj-a ni safali j-akwe CONJ 12-DEM2 12-CONS-continue-FV CONJ journey 9.PP-3SG ‘And that one continues with his journey.’ 116 (91) β-a-βa βa-j-ilɛ 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-go-IPFV ‘They were going on...ʼ (92) βa-lɛ βa-tatu ʊw-ɪndɪ w-a-βá a-lɪ kʊ=njuma 2-DEM2 2-three 1-other 3SG-PRES-CONS-NCOP 3SG-LCOP 17=behind ‘...those three, the other who was at the back...’ (93) a-kʊ-lɪdj-a ɪ-cɪ-pawa 3SG-PROG-beat-FV AUG-7-drum ‘...is beating a drum.’ (94) wa-mǎ-βik-a ɪ-cɪ-pawa kʊ́=m̩-fukɔ 3SG-CONS-put-FV AUG-7-drum 17=3-pocket ‘Then he puts the drum in his pocket.’ (95) wa-mǎ-lɪŋɡ-a ɪ-n-kɔfɪla 3SG-CONS-look_for-FV AUG-9-hat ‘Then he looks for the hat.’ (96) wa-mǎ-m̩-mɪl-a ʊ-m̩-lʊzi a-tɪ w-a-ɪβɪl-a 3SG- CONS-OBJ-blow-FV AUG-3-whistle 3SG-say 2SG-PRES-forget-FV ‘Then he whistles he says, “You have forgotten it.”’ (97) wa-mǎ-m̩-twal-ɪl-a a-lɪ ni n -taβʊ 3SG-CONS-OBJ.1-take-APPL-FV 3SG-LCOP COM 9-step ‘He takes it to him, he is on his way.’ (98) a-mǎ-sɔl-a wɛ-lɛ ʊ-m̩-lʊmɛndɔ 3SG-CONS-retrieve-FV 1-DEM2 AUG-1-boy ‘That boy takes it.’ (99) a-mǎ-ɪ-dwal-a a-mɛ̌-ɛndɛlɛj-a ni ɪ-safali j-akwe 3SG-CONS-OBJ.9-put_on-FV 3SG-CONS-continue-FV CONJ 9-journey 9-PP-3SG ‘Then he puts it on, then he continues with his journey.’ 117 (100) ʊ-m̩-lumɛndɔ ʊw-ɪndɪ wa-mǎ-ciŋk-a AUG-1-boy 1-other 3SG-CONS- ‘The other boy returns...’ (101) w-a-ká-ɔŋɡ-an-ɛ ni βa-lɛ a-βa-ndɪ βa-tatu 3SG-PST-join-RECP-FV CONJ 2-DEM2 2-other 2-three ‘...he tries to join with those other three.’ (102) β-a-j-ilɛ 3-PL-go-IPFV ‘They go.’ (103) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-njam̩n-a 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-run-FV ‘He begins to run.’ (104) wa-mǎ-βad-an-a w-a-βá βa-mǎ-m̩-p-a ma-tunda 3SG-CONS-OBJ.2-meet-RECP-FV 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3PL-CONS-OBJ.1-give-FV 6-fruit ‘Then he meets them, he has given them fruit.’ (105) a-mǎ-anʒ-a kʊ-i-fʊt-ɪl-a kw=íʃati 3SG-CONS-begin-FV 15-OBJ.9-wipe-APPL-FV 17=9-shirt ‘He begins wiping it on his shirt.’ (106) wa-mǎ-sɔl-a ɪ-cɪ-pawa cɪ-nɔ w-a-lɛk-aŋɡ-a kukɔ kʊ́=m̩fukɔ 3SG-CONS-retrieve-FV AUG-7- 7- 3SG-PRES-leave-PFV-FV 17.DEM3 17=3- drum REL pocket ‘Then he takes a drum which he left there in his pocket.’ (107) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊkʊlja β-a-βa βa-j-ilɛ 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-eat-FV 3PL-PRES-NCOP-FV 3pl-go-IPFV ‘Then he begins to eat as they were going.ʼ (108) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-ʊm-a kʊ-tɪ n 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-beat like 9-bell ‘Then he begins to beat it like a bell.’ -kɛnɡɛlɛ 118 (109) wɛ-lɛ ʊ-baba ʊ-nɔ w-a-lɪ́ a-lɪ kʊ́=m̩-tɪ 1-DEM2 1a-father 1-REL 3SG-PRES-CPL 3SG-LCOP 17=3-tree ‘That father who had been in the tree...’ (110) wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kw-ik-a kʊ́=n-gazi 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-descend 17=9-ladder ‘...begins to descend on the ladder.ʼ (111) n dɪ a-kw-ik-a a-kʊ-lɪŊɡ-a ḿ̩=cɪ-kapɔ DEP 3SG-PROG-descend-FV 3SG-PROG-look_for-FV 18=7-basket ‘As he is descending he is looking for the basket.’ (112) a-βw-ɪnɛ ḿ̩=n-si ma-tunda 3SG-see-IPFV 18=ground 6-fruit ‘He sees fruit on the ground.’ (113) wa-mǎ-βʊːk-a wa-mǎ-anʒ-a ʊ-kʊ-lɪ-βʊ:dja 3SG-CONS-exit-FV 3SG-CONS-begin-FV AUG-15-REFL-ask-FV ‘Then he stands then begins to ask himself...’ (114) a-tɪ lʊndɪ oni wa-ŋ-ɡ-iβɪl-aŋɡ-a 3SG-say again who 3SG-OBJ.1-COND-steal-PFV-FV ‘...he says, “Now who has robbed me?”’ (115) w-a-βá a-kʊ-sɔŋta-sɔŋt-a 3SG-PRES-NCOP 3SG-PROG-shake_a_finger-FV ‘He was shaking his finger.’ (116) wa-mǎ-tɛŋɡɛnɛdj-a ɪn-kofila vi-sɔɡa 3SG-CONS-fix-FV 9-hat 8-well ‘Then he fixes the hat well.’ (117) a-βa-βw-inɛ βa-lɛ βa-tatu β-iːd-ilɛ 3SG-OBJ.2-see-IPFV 2-DEM2 2-three 3PL-come-IPFV ‘Then he sees those three coming.’ 119 (118) mm hmm βa-tatu, wa-mǎ-βa-lɔl-a wa-mǎ-βa-ɟuŋɡul-a exclamation 2-three 3SG-CONS-OBJ.2-see-FV 3SG-CONS-OBJ.2-glare-FV ‘Mm hmm three, then he sees them, then he glares at them.’ (119) wa-mǎ-βa-ɟuŋɡul-a vi-nɔ βa-j-ilɛ 3SG-CONS-OBJ.2-glare-FV 8-REL 3PL-go-IPFV ‘Then he glares at them as they are going.’ (120) wa-mǐ-imil-a wa-mǎ-li-tɔɲ-a m̩-sana 3SG-CONS-stand-FV 3SG-CONS-REFL-touch-FV 3-waist ‘Then he stands and touches his waist.’ (121) a-βa-kɔla βa-mǎ-pʊːt-a β-a-βa βa-j-ilɛ AUG-2-PRO 3PL-CONS-pass-FV 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-go-IPFV ‘They pass and they were going.ʼ (122) β-a-βa βa-j-ilɛ ni safali dy-aβo 3PL-PRES-NCOP 3PL-go-IPFV CONJ journey 10-PP.3PL ‘They were going on their journey.’